Suchergebnisse

The Arab—Israeli conflict, which at first had a zero-sum, protracted nature, has changed over time because of effective conflict management that has made conflict reduction and even resolution possible. Following an adaptation process in response to the outcomes of the Six Day War, and the shifts from suppression to regulation, and vice versa, both sides experienced after the Yom Kippur War some learning process by which they became ready to transform their mode of thinking in the conflict. However, without the active encouragement of the USA, the learning process could not be developed. However, the Arab—Israeli conflict is not a single conflict, especially when analyzing and evaluating movements toward new forms of behavior in a given conflict system. The differences in the rate and scope of learning in each conflict influenced differently the shifts in conflict management, and from conflict management to conflict resolution. An initial learning process proved to be necessary for shifting from regulation to institutionalization, but this was not sufficient to move from institutionalization to resolution. There was a need for a further and deeper learning process to enable conflict resolution.

The popular undergraduate political science course on "The Arab-Israeli Conflict" at the University of Michigan has had as its focus since 1975 an enormously successful large-scale simulation game, or simprovisation in Frederick Goodman's phrase. While the four-credit upper division level course of some 100 students is of the quite standard lecture-discussion section format, the simulation game has been closely integrated into it. The game is the goal towards which the students move and is the educational structure around which the course has been organized.The concept of simulation gaming was introduced almost as an aside when Clement Henry and I were designing the course, to be taught by Professor Henry, in 1974. The games organized that year were small, short and disjointed, but they were sufficient to demonstrate the educational utility of the idea, if nothing else. The following year, with the central collaboration of Leonard Suranski, the game was moved to the fore and from that point on it has been the focus of the course.

Israel has very limited indigenous hydrocarbon resources and is located next to the energy-rich Persian Gulf region. This study is divided into two parts. In the first part Israel's energy outlook is profiled. Specifically, the paper examines the country's oil and natural gas exploration and potential. In the second part the seemingly successful negotiations to export natural gas from Egypt to Israel is discussed. This is followed by an analysis of the efforts to export the Iraqi oil via Israel (the Mosul-Haifa pipeline) and the attempt to revive the scheme in the aftermath of the 2003 war in Iraq. Finally, the article examines the shortlived experience in exporting Iranian oil to Israel under the Shah and the current status of the Trans-Israel pipeline. The study suggests that a regional energy-cooperation would benefit all parties and international energy markets. However, such cooperation is unlikely in the near future. Adapted from the source document.

Introduction -- Approaches and Problems -- Dimensions of the conflict -- Jewish National Home -- Balfour Declaration -- Mandate Palestine -- Partition of Palestine -- War of 1948 -- The Suez Crisis of 1956 -- June 1967 War -- UNSC Resolution 242 -- October War of 1973 -- The Palestinian Resistance -- Arab Boycott of Israel -- Non-conventional Challenges -- Madrid Conference of 1991 -- The Oslo Process -- Changing Palestinian Strategies -- Occupied Territories -- Jerusalem -- The Refugee Problem -- Other Contentious issues -- Peace-making Efforts -- Role External Players -- India and Arab-Israeli Conflict -- Resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Arab-Israeli partisanship fits a broader pattern in which distance turns greys into blacks and whites, increasing political passions. In the case of the Contra war in Nicaragua, the journalist Stephen Schwartz writes that, on the one side, 'Sandinistas often commented to me that they were put off to realize that their Democrat supporters in Washington employed a bloodthirsty rhetoric that would never have been heard in the towns of Central America.' When asked about this, a Sandinista explained: 'We have to face death, and it makes us less willing to speak idly about it; but they enjoy talking about a death they will never risk or inflict on others. This pattern runs contrary to the general assumption that the frenzied combatants in a war need cool-headed outsiders to help guide them to resolution and peace -- an assumption that sometimes leads to the unfortunate decision to put ignoramuses in charge of diplomacy and policy. Adapted from the source document.

"This book provides a holistic view of the conflict between Israel and its Arab neighbours and studies the global implications of their fraught relations. Focusing on the conflict from its beginning in the late 19th Century, the author provides a well-rounded and balanced narrative by examining its religious, ideological, ethnic, political, national, regional and international dimensions. The volume covers a wide range of issues such as the conflicting historical legacy of the city of Jerusalem, Jewish longing for a homeland, the partition of Palestine, various wars and conflicts since 1948, Palestinian resistance, Arab Boycott of Israel and the Abraham Accords. It also tackles the contested national claims and the refugee question and looks at various peace-making efforts, including the role of external stakeholders such as the US, UK, Russia and India. A comprehensive study of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the book is richly supported by a swath of references to materials, documents, maps and video links. It will be an essential reading for students, academics, and teachers of politics and international relations, national security, geopolitics, history, military and strategic studies, Middle East studies, conflict resolution and peace-making"--