Suchergebnisse

In this article, I will address the topic of the Turkish minority in Bulgaria in the interwar period through the interpretive lens of the "linguistic" or better " alphabetic" fights,(1) placed in the context of the "Latinization" processes taking place in the wide Eurasian space, as well of the post-imperial sociopolitical dynamics.(2)To this aim, I describe the interesting and little known case of the writing practices of the Turkish community in Bulgaria in the period between the two world wars. In particular, I take into account the repercussions of Atatiirk's alphabetical reform in Bulgaria, demonstrating how the adoption of the Latin alphabet in Turkey represented a significant challenge for the country, triggering the fears of both the Bulgarian authorities and of the more conservative factions of the local Turkish community. In this context, I analyze the attitudes towards the Arabic and the Latin alphabet employed to write the Turkish language in the Balkan country, illustrating the reasons for the prohibition of the Turkish Latin alphabet, in an unprecedented combination of interests between Bulgarian authorities and Islamic religious leaders. I will try to show how in that specific historical moment, writing systems, far from being "neutral" communication elements, lent themselves to various manipulations of an ideological and political nature.My paper does not intend to represent a comprehensive contribution to the analysis of the complex subject of this community's religious or political identity, but it rather aims to shed light on the limitations faced by the Turks of Bulgaria in terms of their linguistic rights in a period when other communities in Southeast Europe were encountering similar difficulties.(3)

Reformatory ideas of Khayr ad-Din at-Tunusi and Rifa at-Tahtawi inscribed into an interesting discussion which has been going on in the Arabic and Muslim world since the beginning of the 19th century; the discussion which centred around very important matters concerning the political system, social and political reforms, comparison of the representative system and democracy with their antithesis: despotism, and also around the search for the ways out of stagnation and backwardness, which essentially included the reform of the educational system – which idea was emphasised by all thinkers. Their objective was to find the answer to the basic question pervading the representatives of the Muslim world: the question about the reason of its fall and backwardness, and the basis of European supremacy considering the role of the oppressive governments, anachronistic state structures, lack of modern school system and other issues, but most of all – crystallisation of the ideas and notions concerning the relationship between tradition and modernity, modern state, social and political system. Hence the contemplation of settling the relationship with the West, the character of this relationship and the idea of complete or partial acceptance of the European models of government. ; Myśl reformatorska Chajr ad-Dina at-Tunusiego i Rifa'y at-Tahtawiego wpisała się w ciekawy dyskurs, który toczy się w świecie arabsko-muzułmańskim od zarania XIX wieku, dyskurs wokół niezwykle ważnych zagadnień ustrojowych, reform polityczno-społecznych, porównania systemu przedstawicielskiego, demokracji, z jego przeciwieństwem, despotyzmem, a także wokół poszukiwania dróg wyjścia ze stagnacji i zacofania, którego niezbędnym elementem była podkreślana przez wszystkich myślicieli reforma systemu edukacyjnego. Ich celem było udzielenie odpowiedzi na nurtujące przedstawicieli tego świata podstawowe pytanie o przyczynę jego upadku i zacofania oraz podstawy europejskiej supremacji, z uwzględnieniem roli despotycznych rządów, anachronicznych struktur społecznych, braku nowoczesnego systemu szkolnictwa i innych zagadnień, ale przede wszystkim – skrystalizowanie idei i wyobrażeń dotyczących relacji pomiędzy tradycją a nowoczesnością, współczesnym systemem państwowym, społecznym i politycznym. Stąd rozważania wokół ułożenia stosunków z Zachodem i charakteru tych relacji, przyjęcia całkowicie lub częściowo europejskich wzorców rządzenia.

Myśl reformatorska Chajr ad-Dina at-Tunusiego i Rifa'y at-Tahtawiego wpisała się w ciekawy dyskurs, który toczy się w świecie arabsko-muzułmańskim od zarania XIX wieku, dyskurs wokół niezwykle ważnych zagadnień ustrojowych, reform polityczno-społecznych, porównania systemu przedstawicielskiego, demokracji, z jego przeciwieństwem, despotyzmem, a także wokół poszukiwania dróg wyjścia ze stagnacji i zacofania, którego niezbędnym elementem była podkreślana przez wszystkich myślicieli reforma systemu edukacyjnego. Ich celem było udzielenie odpowiedzi na nurtujące przedstawicieli tego świata podstawowe pytanie o przyczynę jego upadku i zacofania oraz podstawy europejskiej supremacji, z uwzględnieniem roli despotycznych rządów, anachronicznych struktur społecznych, braku nowoczesnego systemu szkolnictwa i innych zagadnień, ale przede wszystkim – skrystalizowanie idei i wyobrażeń dotyczących relacji pomiędzy tradycją a nowoczesnością, współczesnym systemem państwowym, społecznym i politycznym. Stąd rozważania wokół ułożenia stosunków z Zachodem i charakteru tych relacji, przyjęcia całkowicie lub częściowo europejskich wzorców rządzenia. ; Reformatory ideas of Khayr ad-Din at-Tunusi and Rifa at-Tahtawi inscribed into an interesting discussion which has been going on in the Arabic and Muslim world since the beginning of the 19th century; the discussion which centred around very important matters concerning the political system, social and political reforms, comparison of the representative system and democracy with their antithesis: despotism, and also around the search for the ways out of stagnation and backwardness, which essentially included the reform of the educational system – which idea was emphasised by all thinkers. Their objective was to find the answer to the basic question pervading the representatives of the Muslim world: the question about the reason of its fall and backwardness, and the basis of European supremacy considering the role of the oppressive governments, anachronistic state structures, lack of modern school system and other issues, but most of all – crystallisation of the ideas and notions concerning the relationship between tradition and modernity, modern state, social and political system. Hence the contemplation of settling the relationship with the West, the character of this relationship and the idea of complete or partial acceptance of the European models of government.

الحديث عن الإعراب، هو الحديث عن ملكة لسانية صحيحة، وهو دراسة في علم اللغة التطبيقي، والحديث عن اللغة هو الحديث عن تدوين لغة البدو وأصحاب السليقة اللغوية الخاصة، هذه اللغة التي لا طفولة لها ولا شيخوخة،كما أنها تتميز بسعة آفاقها وقابليتها للمواءمة والتطور مع كل ما هو جديد، والإعراب صفة تميز اللغة العربية عن باقي اللغات، فهذا الصوت الذي تفيده الحركات يساعد في الوصول إلى أكبر مجال سمعي متلون بحسب أدوات التشكيل مع الحروف، وبما أن اللغة مكتسبة كأي عادة في الحياة يرى البعض أن القواعد والإعراب لا أهمية لها فالحفظ هو الأهم، لكن مع الوقت سيصل الدارس لمرحلة الحاجة للقواعد والإعراب، وتهدف الدراسة إلى كسر حاجز الخوف من الإعراب عند طلاب الصف التحضيري كي نبسطه ويحبه الطالب، لمنع القلم من الخطأ واللسان من الزلل، والقلب من الخوف، فما أن تسألهم عن أصعب دروس العربية يقولون النحو وإن سالتهم عن الإعراب لم ينطقوا ببنت شفة، وثانيا الوصول للغة الفصحى التركيب الصحيح للجملة والنطق السليم لأواخر الكلمات، من خلال تعريف الإعراب وتوضيح العلاقة بين النحو والإعراب من جهة، والعلاقة بين الإعراب واللغة من جهة أخرى، والحركات ووظائف الإعراب وكيف تكون اللغة بدون حركات، وفي القسم التطبيقي أظهرت نتائج تطبيق الطلاب لحركات الإعرابية على نصوص محفوظة ومن خلال أسئلة تحمل صفة استبيان، الإعراب في المستويات اللغوية: مبتدئ متوسط متقدم، وتهدف إلى إطار جديد لتدريس الإعراب منهج وطريقة تساعد على خلق هاجس لدى الطلاب يربط القواعد بالنطق بحركة الحرف الأخير من الكلمات.
الكلمات المفتاحية: -لغة -نحو - إعراب -حركات (الفونولوجية) -الناطقين بغير العربية.
مقدمة:
وقد كثرت الدّراسات والتّوصيات لتلافي الكثير أو القليل من هذا الضّعف، ولسنا بصدد الحديث عنها، وإنّما نريد الإشارة إلى الطّريق الأصحّ لإتقان اللّغة العربيّة؛ ألا وهو كثرة الحفظ من القرآن الكريم، والأحاديث الشّريفة، والأدب الرفيع الجميل منذ الصّغر، ثمّ الممارسة العمليّة والتّحدّث باللّغة الفصيحة باستمرار مع الأهل والأقران في المنـزل والمدرسة.
وقد بيّن هذه المسألة خير تبيين من العلماء (ابن خلدون 808/1406) العالم المؤرّخ المشهور في (مقدّمته) بأن اللغة ملكة وأن الوسيلة إلى إتقانها هي الحفظ لما تحويه العربية من قرآن وحديث وشعر وكلام مولد .

Abstracts in English -- Abstracts in Turkish -- Abstracts in Arabic

Bu tezin amacı, Türkiye'yi sarmalayan istihbarat örgütlerinin mevcut durumu incelenerek tespit edilmesi, bahse konu örgütlerin örtülü veya açık operasyonlarının, Türkiye'nin iç ve dış politikasının nasıl şekillendirdiğinin incelenmesidir. Çalışmada nitel araştırma modeli kullanılmıştır. Buna göre El-muhabart, SEVAK ve MOSSAD'ın yapısı incelenmiştir. Söz konusu örgütlerin faaliyetlerini anlamak adına ise Türk, Arap ve Fars literatürleri taranmıştır. Konuya ilişkin kitap, gazete, dergi, makale ve raporlar incelenmiştir. Ayrıca araştırma sırasında üniversite ve ilgili kurumların arşivleri incelenmiş ve konuyla alakalı belgeler elde edilmiştir. Araştırmanın evrenini, El-muhabarat, MOSSAD ve SEVAk'ın istihbarat çalışmalarından etkilenen Türkiye Cumhuriyeti oluşturmaktadır. Araştırmanın merkezini ise bahse konu olan örgütlerin, Türkiye'ye yönelik faaliyetleri teşkil etmektedir. Doküman analizinden yararlanan bir araştırma için Arapça, Türkçe ve Farsça belgeler açık kaynaklardan temin edilmiştir. Arapça belgelerin bir kısmı ise konuyla alakalı kurumların arşivlerinden resmi izinlerin alınması suretiyle elde edilmiştir. Ayrıca temin edilen Arapça ve Farsça belgelerin, konuyla ilgili olan bölümleri Arapça ve Farsça aslından Türkçeye çevrilmiş ve istihbarat ile ilgili bölümleri irdelenmiştir. Ayrıca istihbarat servisinde çalışan bazı kişilerle görüşülmüş, fikirleri alınmış ve tezin son şekli oluşturulmuştur. Yapılan incelemeler ışığında istihbarat servislerimize dair kısmen değerlendirmelerde bulunulmuştur. ; The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the intelligence agent operating around Turkey including the agency's both undercover and public operations and how do these actions affect Turkish domestic and foreign policy. In this research, we have used a qualitative model and with accordance to that we have observed El-Muhabarat, SEVAK and MOSSAD's structure. In order to have a comprehensive understanding of these actions, Farsi, Turkish and Arabic literature has been studied. The literature study consisted of sources such as books, newspapers, magazines, journals, and articles. In addition to that while the literature study was being conducted, the university and relevant institution databases and archives allowed us to gather relevant documents. General sphere of this research is around The Turkish Republic and how it is affected by the intelligence actions of the El-Mukhabarat, MOSSAD, and SEVAK. These organizations and their activities are the research group of this thesis. For this research that is using document analysis, Farsi, Turkish and Arabic documents have been obtained from open source archives. Part of the Arabic sources has been gathered with the required permissions from certain institutions. In addition to these, documents obtained from Farsi and Arabic sources have been investigated further and translated relevant chapters to Turkish. Personel from intelligence agencies have been interviewed and their comments and opinions are also included while finalizing this thesis. With all that in mind certain assessments and considerations have been made on these intelligence services.

THEZ ÖZETİDetant yılları olarak adlandırabileceğimiz 1970-1980 döneminde Ortadoğu'da meydana gelen iki büyük değişim olan 1973 Yom Kippur Savaşı ve Camp David sürecinin yakınen incelendiği tezimizin asıl amacı, İsrail ile sadece en güçlü Arap devleti olmayıp aynı zamanda coğrafyası ve geçmişi ile Arap, İslam ve Afrika etkenlerini bünyesinde taşıyan Mısır'ın bir arada incelenmesi ve böylece Ortadoğu'yu çevreleyen sorunsalları bir arada ifade etmek, tümevarım yöntemiyle ortak sonuçlara varabilmektir. Bu iki devlet arasındaki ilişkilerin incelenmesinde ise yetmişli yıllardaki detant ile global değişim döneminde, özellikle Mısır'da meydana gelen siyasi değişim ile bunun Arap Dünyası'ndaki kökenleri ve etkileri Ortadoğu'da bir dönüm noktası teşkil etmektedir. Pan-Arabizm'in kalesinin çöküşü olarak adlandırılan Camp David'e Mısır'ı yönelten koşullardan sadece biri de olsa, Filistin meselesinin çözüme ulaştırılmaktan çok bir iç politika malzemesi olmaktan öteye gitmeyişi dönem içinde gözlediğimiz önemli bir olgudur. Özellikle çoğu Arap ülkesinde görülen azınlık iktidarlarının asıl düşmanı olan Arap ulusçuluğunun Filistin eksenli ve İsrail'i hedef alan kısır bir milliyetçiliğe çevrilmesi sadece bu iktidarların değil bu bölünmüşlükten kar çıkaran global kartellerin de çıkarı için bir gerekliliktir. İsrail'de gelişen dini ve radikal hareketlerin siyasi ifadesi olarak görülen militarist politikaların kökenine baktığımızda bunun her ne kadar iç şartlara bağlı olduğunu görsek de, global gereksinimler ile çıkar birliği içinde olduğunu görmekteyiz. Soğuk Savaş'ın hızının kesilmeye başladığı bu dönemde dış politika ve iç politikanın araç ve amaç olarak sıkça yer değiştirdiğini, adeta birbirine alet olduğunu gözlemlemekteyiz. Bu sadece Mısır ve İsrail gibi bölge ülkelerinde değil, süper güçler arasında da yaşanmaktadır. Özellikle ABD'de Yahudi lobisinin etkinliği dönem içinde çoğu zaman dış politik hedeflerin, iç politik gereksinimlerin ardında kalmasına yol açmıştır. Bunun dışında yine özellikle Mısır ve Arap ülkelerinde görülen bölünmüşlük ve kurumsallaşamama, kaynakların boşa tüketimine ve ulusal çıkarlar doğrultusunda kullanılmamasına yol açmaktadır. THESUS SUMMARYThe main purpose of the thesus that has researched closely on the 1973 Yom Kippur War and Camp David process those were the two big change in Middle East at the decade of 1970-1980 as we call detante years is to research together Israel and Egypt that is not just the most powerful Arabic country as well as being a country that has developed Arab, Islam and Africa factors together, so expressing the problems those surrounds Middle East by the way d getting to common results. About studying the relationships between these two countries, especially the political change in Egypt and its roots and effects in the Arabic world establishes a turn point in the Middle East at the detante and global change term of seventies. It's an important fact that we observe in the term that the Palestine problem is just a internal policy matter more than being tried to be resulted that was one of the reasons that has pushed Egypt to Camp David. The being converted of Arabic Nationalism that is the real enemy of the governments those are usually built by minorities in Arabic countries to a simple ethno-nationalism that is Palestine based and Israel opposed is necessary for these governments and for global cartels those have profits of this fragmance. When we have a look at the roots of the militarist policies those are the expression of the religious and radical movements in Israel, We can see that it depends on internal conditions and has profits shared with global needings. In this term that the Cold war had slowed down, We observe that internal and foreign policies often change places as aim and tool as using each other in any turn. That is not just seen between countries of the area like Israel and Egypt, is seen between supreme powers also. Especially in the term that Jewish lobby was active in U.S. usually foreign politic goals kept behind of internal politic aims. On the other hand, The fragmance and disorganization that is especially seen in Egypt and the other Arabic countries results with wasting the sources or not using them through the national interests.

Myśl reformatorska Chajr ad-Dina at-Tunusiego i Rifa'y at-Tahtawiego wpisała się w ciekawy dyskurs, który toczy się w świecie arabsko-muzułmańskim od zarania XIX wieku, dyskurs wokół niezwykle ważnych zagadnień ustrojowych, reform polityczno-społecznych, porównania systemu przedstawicielskiego, demokracji, z jego przeciwieństwem, despotyzmem, a także wokół poszukiwania dróg wyjścia ze stagnacji i zacofania, którego niezbędnym elementem była podkreślana przez wszystkich myślicieli reforma systemu edukacyjnego. Ich celem było udzielenie odpowiedzi na nurtujące przedstawicieli tego świata podstawowe pytanie o przyczynę jego upadku i zacofania oraz podstawy europejskiej supremacji, z uwzględnieniem roli despotycznych rządów, anachronicznych struktur społecznych, braku nowoczesnego systemu szkolnictwa i innych zagadnień, ale przede wszystkim – skrystalizowanie idei i wyobrażeń dotyczących relacji pomiędzy tradycją a nowoczesnością, współczesnym systemem państwowym, społecznym i politycznym. Stąd rozważania wokół ułożenia stosunków z Zachodem i charakteru tych relacji, przyjęcia całkowicie lub częściowo europejskich wzorców rządzenia. ; Reformatory ideas of Khayr ad-Din at-Tunusi and Rifa at-Tahtawi inscribed into an interesting discussion which has been going on in the Arabic and Muslim world since the beginning of the 19th century; the discussion which centred around very important matters concerning the political system, social and political reforms, comparison of the representative system and democracy with their antithesis: despotism, and also around the search for the ways out of stagnation and backwardness, which essentially included the reform of the educational system – which idea was emphasised by all thinkers. Their objective was to find the answer to the basic question pervading the representatives of the Muslim world: the question about the reason of its fall and backwardness, and the basis of European supremacy considering the role of the oppressive governments, anachronistic state structures, lack of modern school system and other issues, but most of all – crystallisation of the ideas and notions concerning the relationship between tradition and modernity, modern state, social and political system. Hence the contemplation of settling the relationship with the West, the character of this relationship and the idea of complete or partial acceptance of the European models of government.

Ortadogu; cografi yapısı, jeopolitik özelligi ve yeraltı kaynakları endüstrisi ile dünyanın stratejik bölgelerinden biridir. 11 Eylül saldırılarının ardından ABD'nin müdahalesi ile Ortadogu'da yeni bir dönem basladı. Bu dönemde Ortadogu'da bir Sii faktörü ortaya çıkmıstır. Siiler Irak politikasında etkili bir konuma geldiler. Sii ran ise genç nüfusu, ekonomisi ve nükleer silah gücü ile Ortadogu'nun önemli devletlerinden biridir. Bu olaylardan bir Sii kusagının ortaya çıkacagı düsünülmektedir. Fakat gerek iç gerekse dıs politik unsurlar bu kusagın olusmasının güç oldugunu göstermektedir. ABD'nin bölgedeki varlıgı, srail ve Sünni Arap ülkeleri dıs politik unsurlardır. Siiligin bir bütünlük sergilememesi ve farklı kollara ayrılması ise iç politik unsurlardır. Özellikle Velayet-i Fakih kuramı ile ortaya çıkan siyasi alanda bölünmüslük, bu kusagın ortaya çıkmasını engellemektedir. Son dönemde yasanan olaylar Siileri ön plana çıkarsa da, asıl menfaat saglayan ülkeler ABD, srail ve Sünni Arap ülkeleri olmustur. ; Middleeast is one of the strategical regions with geographical, geopolitical characteristic and extractive industry. There is a new period has started at Middleast by United States invasion after attacks of 11th October. In this period there is a Shi factor come out in Middleeast. Shi?ites started to occupy an important place in Iraqi politics. Shi Iran is one of the important countries of Middleeast by young population, economy and nuclear power. It is thought that a shi zone will appear by this events. In deeth because of the internal and external facts, the zone can not be possible. The external facts are USA existance in the region, Israel and Sunni Arabic Countries. The internal facts are there is no unity in Shi?ites and the different branches of Shi?ites. Especially the disintegration by the Velayet-i Fakih theory in politic is the obstruction of this Shi zone. The latest events in last period makes the Shi?ites forefront, but USA, Israel an Sunni Arabic Countries gain the real benefit.

Aviva Butt has just finished translating in collaboration with the author, Salim Barakat's first novel Fuqahā' al-Ẓalām (Sages of Darkness) written in 1985. The translation was done from a later original Arabic manuscript roughly the same as the 1994 Baghdadi edition. Sages of Darkness is a Kurdish Sufi novel depicting Kurdish life in late Ottoman times. It is, in fact, a philosophical novel with a strong dose of psychological realism, written in a style derived from Classical Modernism. And so, it is mainstream literature, an achievement in view of the late start in novel-writing by the Kurdish far-flung writers' community. The action line, full of suspense, violence, and murder, is greatly about the tribal notable "Avdei Sarei," who does everything he can to ensure the survival of his business and the economic health of his endeavors. In this article, the translator of Sages of Darkness analyzes Barakat's novelistic techniques for the purpose of prompting a better understanding of the novel, and by-the-by, if possible, to solve the enigma of the meaning of the title.

This article deals with the Western countries reaction on "Arab Spring" phenomenon (a revolutionary wave of demonstration and protests against the power of country), especially the United States, Germany and France. The selection of countries was based on the following criteria: first of all, the US is a major power in the World and a member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization; secondly, France and Germany are main European players due to European Union membership. Additionally, France maintains good relations with North African countries, while Germany is more neutral and represents economic power within the European continent, which might gain the trust of Arabic World. ; Artykuł został poświęcony reakcji krajów zachodniej części globu na zjawisko "Arabskiej Wiosny" (rewolucyjnej fali demonstracji i protestów przeciwko panującej władzy) na przykładzie Stanów Zjednoczonych, Niemiec i Francji. Wybór państw dokonano w oparciu o następujące kryteria: po pierwsze – USA są mocarstwem globalnym i członkiem Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego; po drugie – Francja i Niemcy należą do istotnych graczy europejskich ze względu na przynależność do struktur Unii Europejskiej. Dodatkowo Francja posiada dobre relacje z krajami Afryki Północnej, natomiast Niemcy są bardziej neutralne i stanowią potęgę gospodarczą w obrębie własnego kontynentu, co może budzić zaufanie świata arabskiego.

The present study brings to light some of the original novelistic writing techniques that Salim Barakat evolved in his first novel entitled Fuqahā' al-Ẓalām (Sages of Darkness). With this novel, the author laid the foundation for techniques to be used in his subsequent novels. In the absence of an established Middle Eastern or Kurdish tradition of novel writing, Barakat had ample space to develop his own original techniques. He first published Sages of Darkness in 1985 in Nicosia Cyprus, and later published a second edition in Baghdad in 1994—with a further overlay of cinematic imagery and use of his own poetics and vocabulary as in his poems of the intervening period. An anthology of Barakat's poems in the original Arabic can now be read online. And there are also English translations in the Anthology of Aviva Butt's book of 20 September 2021(see the References at the end of this article). A previous article on Sages of Darkness published in IJOKS 7 (1) (2022) attempted to establish the genre of Barakat's novel as psychological realism with philosophical and fantastical elements—the first 50 pages were examined. In this study, I will mention the frequent symbolic relationship of the environment to Kurdish life—as seen in the first approximately 120 pages. A completed English translation of Sages of Darkness, including the remaining 90 pages underway, will hopefully be published by early next year.