The Arabization of Administration in the Maghreb Countries: Case of Tunisia
In: International review of administrative sciences: an international journal of comparative public administration, Band 51, Heft 2
ISSN: 0020-8523
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In: International review of administrative sciences: an international journal of comparative public administration, Band 51, Heft 2
ISSN: 0020-8523
In: International review of administrative sciences: an international journal of comparative public administration, Band 51, Heft 2, S. i-vi
ISSN: 1461-7226
In: Journal of Palestine studies, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 134-137
ISSN: 1533-8614
In: Orient: deutsche Zeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur des Orients = German journal for politics, economics and culture of the Middle East, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 269-286
ISSN: 0030-5227
World Affairs Online
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 312-334
ISSN: 1477-7053
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INHABITANTS OF GREATER Kabylia and their Arabic-speaking compatriots constitutes one of the fundamental issues of contemporary Algerian politics. This relationship has been neither accurately conceived nor adequately taken into account in the existing literature on modern Algeria. The growth of popular Berberism in Kabylia, articulating widespread opposition to the government's Arabization policy and the demand for official recognition of the Berber language, went unnoticed by outside observers until 1980. It had been visible since at least 1974, but could not be accommodated by prevailing conceptions either of Berber society in general or of Kabyle history in particular.
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 254-258
ISSN: 1471-6380
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 218-235
ISSN: 1477-7053
THE DEVELOPMENT OF A MAJOR 'KABYLE QUESTION' IN Contemporary Algerian politics was made manifest in the spectacular events of the spring of 1980. In an earlier article I suggested that the reason why most observers did not anticipate this development was because of their failure, on the one hand, to appreciate the specificity of the Kabyle case – the extent to which it departs from the sociologists' stereotype of Berber societies – and, on the other hand, to recognize the leading role played by the Kabyles in the national revolution and, in consequence, the significance of their subsequent eviction from commanding positions in the Algerian political elite. The practical substance of the Kabyle question itself was referred to only in passing and remains to be dealt with. Why is Kabyle particularism, which in itself is nothing new, now taking the form of 'Berberism', that is, not only opposition to the Arabization policy of the Algerian government but also the demand for official recognition of the Berber language? Why, moreover, has 'Berberism' become a popular force in Kabylia, capable of mobilizing, on occasion, support throughout Kabylia and from all classes of the population, when it was previously confined to an unrepresentative coterie of intellectuals and remains so confined in respect of the other Berberophone populations of Algeria and Morocco? The answer to these questions lies in the singular economic history of the Kabyle population.