Suchergebnisse

Representatives of one of the world's largest Muslim organizations, the Indonesian Nandlatul 'Ulama (NU), propagate an "Islam of the archipelago" (Islam Nusantara) that harmonizes Islamic practices and local culture. They paint a picture of a pluralist and inclusive Indonesian Islam that accommodates diverse local cultures, contrasting it with a potentially homogenizing "Arabization" - a term used in reference to the perceived ideological radicalization of Islamic lifestyle. Strikingly, in Madura, a region that is considered a stronghold of the NU, there is an affinity to "Arabness" that is not primarily dedicated to questions of the right interpretation of Islam but rather to local hierarchies, social life, political influence, and economic activities. Madurese engagement with cultural markers that are labelled as "Arab" is relatively ambivalent in nature. On the one hand, the Madurese treat "Arabness" as a symbol of Islamic piety that illustrates a special connection to the Holy Land, access to religious learnedness, and the power of blessings. On the other hand, the Madurese can be critical of Arabic culture and customs, especially Wahabist ideology. In the context of pilgrimage to the holy Muslim sites of Mecca and Medina, Madurese Muslims newly imagine and localize "Arabness". By transferring Arabic cultural markers into economic, cultural, social, and symbolic capital, Madurese Muslims make "Arabness" meaningful beyond debates about Islam Nusantara and Arabization. (Asien/GIGA)

International audience ; Scholars have depicted the Arabization and Islamization of Sudan either as two parallel, centuries-long processes or as a set of interrelated state policies in the postcolonial era. This article contributes new chronological and empirical insights into the growing conflation of Arabic, Arabness and Islam in twentieth-century Sudan. First, it locates state efforts at Arabizing and Islamizing the South one decade before independence (1956) within the context of British imperial retreat and Northern Sudanese empowerment. Second, it examines how language and religion were increasingly enmeshed in cultural representations and school practices, even if the two were strategically distinguished in political discourses. The article assesses Southern Sudanese experience of forceful Arabization and Islamization, suggesting that cultural definitions of the nation and the access to educational, political and economic resources remain at the heart of the current citizenship crisis in Sudan and South Sudan. ; Les historiens du Soudan ont décrit l'arabisation et l'islamisation du pays comme deux processus parallèles sur la longue durée ou comme des politiques étatiques étroitement liées à l'ère postcoloniale. Cet article apporte un nouvel éclairage chronologique et empirique sur l'intrication croissante de l'arabe, de l'arabité et de l'islam dans le Soudan du XXe siècle. Il situe les politiques d'arabisation et d'islamisation du Sud une décennie avant l'indépendance (1956), dans le contexte du retrait impérial britannique et de la montée en puissance des élites nord-soudanaises. L'analyse montre que si les représentations culturelles et les pratiques scolaires alimentèrent la confusion entre langue et religion, elles coexistaient avec des stratégies politiques visant à dissocier arabe et islam. L'article évalue le vécu sud-soudanais de l'arabisation et de l'islamisation imposées, suggérant que les définitions culturelles de la nation et l'accès aux ressources éducatives, politiques et économiques ...

International audience ; Scholars have depicted the Arabization and Islamization of Sudan either as two parallel, centuries-long processes or as a set of interrelated state policies in the postcolonial era. This article contributes new chronological and empirical insights into the growing conflation of Arabic, Arabness and Islam in twentieth-century Sudan. First, it locates state efforts at Arabizing and Islamizing the South one decade before independence (1956) within the context of British imperial retreat and Northern Sudanese empowerment. Second, it examines how language and religion were increasingly enmeshed in cultural representations and school practices, even if the two were strategically distinguished in political discourses. The article assesses Southern Sudanese experience of forceful Arabization and Islamization, suggesting that cultural definitions of the nation and the access to educational, political and economic resources remain at the heart of the current citizenship crisis in Sudan and South Sudan. ; Les historiens du Soudan ont décrit l'arabisation et l'islamisation du pays comme deux processus parallèles sur la longue durée ou comme des politiques étatiques étroitement liées à l'ère postcoloniale. Cet article apporte un nouvel éclairage chronologique et empirique sur l'intrication croissante de l'arabe, de l'arabité et de l'islam dans le Soudan du XXe siècle. Il situe les politiques d'arabisation et d'islamisation du Sud une décennie avant l'indépendance (1956), dans le contexte du retrait impérial britannique et de la montée en puissance des élites nord-soudanaises. L'analyse montre que si les représentations culturelles et les pratiques scolaires alimentèrent la confusion entre langue et religion, elles coexistaient avec des stratégies politiques visant à dissocier arabe et islam. L'article évalue le vécu sud-soudanais de l'arabisation et de l'islamisation imposées, suggérant que les définitions culturelles de la nation et l'accès aux ressources éducatives, politiques et économiques demeurent au cœur de la crise actuelle de la citoyenneté au Soudan et au Soudan du Sud.

""Imposing the peace, 1956�1959""""Rewarding allies: a victor�s peace""; ""The keys to the kingdom: power politics""; ""Rehabilitation and release""; ""The ticking clock, 1959�1963""; ""Implications""; ""Acknowledgements""; ""References""; ""5. �A graveyard for the British�? Tactics, military operations, and the paucity of strategy in Aden, 1964�1967""; ""Introduction: Aden, 1967""; ""From colonization to Arabization: the paucity of strategy?""; ""The failure of Arabization?""; ""Conclusion""; ""References""

The forging of Iraq -- The British mandate -- Oil and urban growth -- The ideology of urban development -- The intercommunal fight -- Nationalization and Arabization

This is the first book to provide an analysis of racism in the Mediterranean region. Ian Law reassesses contemporary processes of racialization, employing theoretical tools including polyracism, racial Arabization and racial Nawarization and drawing on new evidence on racism in North Africa, Lebanon, Cyprus, Greece and the Roma campland in Italy

"Mauritania: The Institutionalization of Military Supremacy" published on by Oxford University Press.

1. Framing the conflict : instrumentalizing the Hebrew Bible and settler-colonialism in Palestine -- 2. Promised land and conquest narratives : Zionism and the 1948 Palestine Nakba -- 3. Archaeology as civic religion : secular nationalist ideology, excavating the Bible and the de-Arabization of Palestine -- 4. Colonialist imagination as a site of mimicry and erasure : the Israeli renaming project -- 5. God's mapmakers : Jewish fundamentalism and the land traditions of the Hebrew Bible (1967 to Gaza 2013) -- Conclusion : the new scholarly revolution, and reclaiming the heritage of the disinherited and disenfranchised Palestinians.

Berbers marginalized by history The Berbers belong to a group of "nations without state." They are divided into a number of factions characterized by their own specificity (dialect and way of life), scattered endemically in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt (including Tuareg, in Mali, Niger and Mataranka). They all maintain a certain distance to state authorities (especially in Morocco and Algeria), where they are a significant minority, dominated by Arabic-speaking elites.The total number of Berbers is difficult to ascertain because of the ambiguity of the term "Berber" (which results from different degrees of arabization of Berbers). For centuries they have been Islamic, living in the shadow of the Arab population. Little is known about the significant contribution of Berbers to the development of ancient cultures of the Mediterranean and the first centuries of Christianity. Despite their linguistic and cultural Arabization (Islamization), they have maintained their distinctiveness. Manipulated by colonial France within the framework of the so-called "Berber policy," they were entangled in conflicts with their Arab counterparts in Algeria and Morocco. Berberzy na marginesie historiiBerberzy należą do "narodów bez państwa". Dzielą się na szereg odłamów odznaczających się własną specyfiką (dialektem i sposobem życia), rozrzuconych endemicznie na terenach Algierii, Maroka, Tunezji, Libii i Egiptu (a włączając w to Tuaregów, także Mali, Nigru i Mauretanii). Łączy ich utrzymywanie pewnego dystansu do władz państwowych (zwłaszcza Maroka i Algierii), gdzie stanowią znaczącą mniejszość, zdominowanych przez arabskojęzyczne elity.Ogólna liczba Berberów jest trudna do ustalenia z powodu niejednoznaczności samego terminu "Berber" (co wynika z różnego stopnia zarabizowania Berberów). Od stuleci zislamizowani, żyją w cieniu ludności arabskiej. Mało znany, a warty ukazania, jest wkład Berberów w rozwój kultur antycznych basenu Morza Śródziemnego oraz pierwszych wieków chrześcijaństwa.Pomimo trwającej stulecia arabizacji językowej i kulturowej (islamizacji) zachowali oni świadomość odrębności. Manipulowani przez kolonialną Francję w ramach tzw. polityki berberyjskiej, zostali oni uwikłani w konflikt ze swymi arabskimi współrodakami w Algierii i Maroku.

Since independence in 1956, Morocco has actively promoted Arabic and Arab culture through successive waves of "Arabization" policies in its educational system. Yet, French educational diplomas continue to be crucial resources in Morocco, while national Moroccan degrees retain little social and economic currency. Relying on ethnographic fieldwork in Morocco carried out in 2018, this article looks at students from various socioeconomic backgrounds, asks how the grip of French education seventy years after Moroccan independence is experienced on the ground, and provides historical context to account for this situation. It argues that Morocco is an extreme but representative example of how former French colonies—and countries in the Global South—have created new forms of dependence due to their attempts to expand access to education on limited budgets.

Umayyads with Muawiyah leader, no doubt is one of the major figures in the history of Islam. One of the greatest achievements is the ability to expand the areas embraced Islam. Therefore, renowned Muawiyah with the power of expansion, so that Islam may spread to many other countries and regions quickly. Of course it's spread, often using armed force. On the other hand, what the Umayyads, is against the spirit and the things that have been done in the era of the Prophet and the first four caliphs. In particular the system of government and other areas pengislaman patterns. Unity and pluralism are valued at the time of Rasullullah SAW it was revived by the Arabization of the Umayyads. This paper is not research, but the results of the literature review the authors. In essence to describe the phenomenon of Bani Umayya.

International audience ; Mauritania, a Muslim country where the majority of the population speaks Arabic, is located at the periphery of the Muslim world. By the first centuries of Islam, the western part of the Sahara was inhabited by Berber populations, with Black-African populations bordering their territories on the South and South-East frontiers. Since the arrival of the Banī Maˤqil at the end of the XIIIe century, Arabic and Berber speaking groups have coexisted more or less easily, the first imposing little by little their supremacy, starting with military and political power and ending with cultural and linguistic domination. If the close contact between those groups has left important marks on the Zenaga Berber (and resulted in its disappearance), Zenaga has also contributed to give Ḥassāniyya Arabic a number of its characteristics. The article studies the different stages of arabization and offers a historical reconstruction of Ḥassāniyya through the inventory of features shared with other dialects. ; La Mauritanie, pays musulman où la majorité de la population est arabophone, est située à la périphérie du monde arabe. Aux premiers siècles de l'islam, la partie occidentale du Sahara était habitée par des groupes berbérophones, qui côtoyaient, au Sud et au Sud-Est, des populations Négro-africaines. Après l'arrivée des Banī Maˤqil, à la fin du XIIIe siècle, groupes arabophones et groupes berbérophones ont coexisté durant des siècles, les premiers imposant petit à petit leur suprématie qui, de guerrière et politique, a fini par être également culturelle et linguistique. Si le contact étroit entre les uns et les autres a laissé d'importantes traces dans le berbère zénaga (et surtout favorisé sa disparition), il a aussi contribué à donner à l'arabe ḥassāniyya un certain nombre de ses particularités. L'article étudie les différentes étapes de l'arabisation et l'effet du contact. Il propose aussi une reconstitution historique du ḥassāniyya à travers l'inventaire des traits que ce parler partage avec d'autres dialectes.

International audience ; Mauritania, a Muslim country where the majority of the population speaks Arabic, is located at the periphery of the Muslim world. By the first centuries of Islam, the western part of the Sahara was inhabited by Berber populations, with Black-African populations bordering their territories on the South and South-East frontiers. Since the arrival of the Banī Maˤqil at the end of the XIIIe century, Arabic and Berber speaking groups have coexisted more or less easily, the first imposing little by little their supremacy, starting with military and political power and ending with cultural and linguistic domination. If the close contact between those groups has left important marks on the Zenaga Berber (and resulted in its disappearance), Zenaga has also contributed to give Ḥassāniyya Arabic a number of its characteristics. The article studies the different stages of arabization and offers a historical reconstruction of Ḥassāniyya through the inventory of features shared with other dialects. ; La Mauritanie, pays musulman où la majorité de la population est arabophone, est située à la périphérie du monde arabe. Aux premiers siècles de l'islam, la partie occidentale du Sahara était habitée par des groupes berbérophones, qui côtoyaient, au Sud et au Sud-Est, des populations Négro-africaines. Après l'arrivée des Banī Maˤqil, à la fin du XIIIe siècle, groupes arabophones et groupes berbérophones ont coexisté durant des siècles, les premiers imposant petit à petit leur suprématie qui, de guerrière et politique, a fini par être également culturelle et linguistique. Si le contact étroit entre les uns et les autres a laissé d'importantes traces dans le berbère zénaga (et surtout favorisé sa disparition), il a aussi contribué à donner à l'arabe ḥassāniyya un certain nombre de ses particularités. L'article étudie les différentes étapes de l'arabisation et l'effet du contact. Il propose aussi une reconstitution historique du ḥassāniyya à travers l'inventaire des traits que ce parler partage avec d'autres dialectes.