Suchergebnisse

Since late 2016, Ningxia has drawn attention as a new target in Beijing's drive to 'Sinicize Islam.' The removal of overt signs of the Islamic faith and Arab influences is viewed as representing a new front in the CCP's sweeping rollback of religious freedom. Is Ningxia another Xinjiang as both the party and its critics fear? This paper argues that it is not at the empirical level but shares with Xinjiang key underlying dynamics at the systemic level. At the empirical level, Ningxia's 'Islamization' stemmed largely from local authorities' use of the Islamic part of Ningxia's heritage as a developmental strategy, leading to so-called pan-Halalfication, Saudization and Arabization. In contrast to more complex social dynamics in Xinjiang, Ningxia's 'Islamization' can be more easily dealt with by withdrawing the local state's own promotion. At the systemic level, the rise and fall of Islamization in Ningxia share with Xinjiang's case the critical role of the state in affecting the fate of religion for significant ethno-religious communities. (J Contemp China / GIGA)

This article aims to discuss the Arabic translation of the names of English political doctrines by focusing on Mausū'ah as-Siyāsah written by 'Abdul-Wahhab alKayyaliy. This research was conducted in three steps, namely data collection, analysis, and presentation of results. The source of this research data is literature data that is the names of political doctrines which was translated to Arabic in Mausū'ah as-Siyāsah. The names are recorded on the data card with certain marks and are classified to obtain terminology that clearly describes the process of its formation. In the next step, the terminologies chosen as a sample are analyzed using the theory of semantic fields. The study shows that the Arabic translation for the names of the political doctrines has two types, namely the Arabization (taʻrīb) and using the equivalent of Arabic. Besides, the translation itsels was conducted through a hermeneutical process in which the translation as much as possible took a high accordance with original English text.

In 2015, speculations have raised to debate recommendations suggested, among others, at the Algerian National Conference on the Evaluation and Implementation of School Reforms to recommend the teaching of Standard Arabic through Algerian Colloquial Arabic –Darija- at primary school level. Since independence, in 1962, Algeria has witnessed an Arabization policy whereby the Arabic language was imposed as the sole official and national language at political, economic and most importantly education level. The aim of this work is to shed the light on the pedagogical and socio-linguistic motives nourishing the possibility of implementing a vernacular variety– which has no morpho-syntactical and phonological representation - as a vehicle for knowledge transmission, literacy and education in the Algerian primary school level. Focus will also be put on highlighting emerging vectors of controversies and hostilities against the project that are deeply rooted in the historical, political and identity-based reality of the country. KEYWORDS: Speculations, Algerian Colloquial Arabic, The Darija, the Educational System, Algeria

AbstractNotwithstanding its promotion as a vehicle for the decolonization and modernization of knowledge in Morocco, the policy of Arabization has been caught in an ongoing competition with the pedagogical visions of the French Protectorate—visions that have been recycled by nationalist and international development agendas. This competition has subtly classified the sciences and the humanities into Francophone and Arabophone disciplines, respectively, at a moment when national development is understood as technological advancement. School participants endure this linguistic, disciplinary, and, effectively, social hierarchy and put their awareness of the system at the service of its circumvention. The anxiety of teachers over the future of state-educated youth indicates that the legitimacy of the school itself has become highly doubted. This article approaches both the public school and its relationship to knowledge through a historically informed ethnographic lens, arguing that centralized theories of pedagogy, the sociological category of class, and the assumed dichotomy between state agendas and international patronage are unsatisfactory frames for the interpretation of the phenomena in question.

This essay examines the Islamic movement's role in shaping Sudan's regional relations and politics, particularly in the greater Horn of Africa. The focus is on the competing foreign policies adopted by the Islamic regime in Khartoum in 1989 and the extent to which the radical Islamic or the national interest agenda prevailed. Moreover, the essay emphasizes the extent to which the internal power struggle between Sudan's most powerful men, Omar al-Bashir and Hassan al-Turabi, determined the country's foreign policy rationale. Since 1996, Turabi's international Islamist goals have clashed with Bashir's domestic objectives, leading to a split within the Islamic movement in Sudan.

Abstract
This paper compares two areas of Egypt and Khorāsān in post-Islamic era regarding the loss and maintenance of their mother tongues. While in Egypt, Coptic was gradually removed from both formal and colloquial usages, in Khorāsān, Persian (Farsi or Parsi Dari), though was out of official and governmental services for more than two centuries, was able to finally maintain its status. The most important reason found behind this difference can be attributed to the independence seeking movements in Khorāsān (e.g. Sho'ūbieh), leading to the establishment of the first post-Islamic independent Iranian governments who supported the revival of Iranian culture and the maintenance of Persian language. Secondly, the migration of Arab tribes and the Arabization of the conquered societies were more successful in Egypt compared to Eastern Iran, which changed the demographic composition of Egypt. Moreover, the role of Persian-speaking epic poets, the social class of dihgāns in Iranian society and the fact that Coptic was not as old a language as Persian are other important reasons. It is argued that language maintenance can happen better in cases where top–down governmental and institutional support exists.

AbstractThis article's geographical focus is the Galilee, Israel's only region with a Palestinian Arab majority. Its sociological focus is the drive to Judaize this region, the mirror image of its de-Arabization, which I anchor in Israelis' morbid fear of settler colonial reversal. Although direct legal discrimination—restriction of movement under a military government and exclusion from publicly administered land—was banned by the government and the High Court of Justice respectively, new modes of discrimination against Israel's Arab citizens have replaced the older forms. I demonstrate how policies that limit Arab middle-class citizens' upwardly mobile migration into the Judaized spaces of communal settlements (or overlooks) and towns endure. I compare gatekeeping exercised by national-level indirect legal discrimination operating through the admission committees of communal settlements with the institutional discrimination practiced by municipalities of emerging mixed towns against new Arab residents' public presence. Finally, I highlight the linkages between instances of Judaization across the Green Line, which make the unwinding of segregation, in all of its forms, that much harder.

In modern times Iraqi Jews, writing in Arabic, were producing literary works that quickly became part of the mainstream of modern Arabic literature. Following the establishment of the state of Israel, many Iraqi-Jewish intellectuals, poets, and writers emigrated to the new state. On their arrival in Israel they faced a new linguistic situation in which the language (Hebrew) imposed upon them was limited to a single religion, a single nation, and a single ethnic entity, as opposed to the situation in Iraq, where Arab cultural and national identity encompassed Jews together with Muslims and Christians. Advocates of Western-orientated cultural identity also bewailed the "danger" of the "Arabization" of Israeli society. The immigrants thus faced a fierce clash between their original Iraqi-Arab narrative and the Jewish Zionist Western-oriented dominant master narrative—the natural Iraqi Jewish-Arab identity was split into Arab versus Jew. As a result, the literature 20th-century Iraqi Jews produced in Arabic has been gradually disappearing. The demise of Arabic literature among Jews has precipitated a controversy regarding whether Arab culture can be considered a "correct" source of inspiration for the Israeli Hebrew culture.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of illustrations -- Acknowledgement -- Abbreviations -- List of terms -- Introduction -- Changing dynamics -- Islamic State in the disputed territories -- 1. Ethno-politics, the Ba'ath era and the disputed territories -- Kirkuk -- Ninewa -- Operation Iraqi Freedom, security and identity -- Current context: identity and security in the disputed territories -- Conclusion -- 2. Conceptual framework -- Introduction -- Ethnic identity and conflict -- Education, conflict and societal security -- Can education become securitized? -- Conclusion -- 3. Iraqi education through a societal security lens -- Introduction -- The role of education in Iraqi Arab nationalism -- Societal security through the new constitution? -- The reconstruction of education: constitutional promises and the legacy of Arabization -- Assyrian language schools: education to revive identity -- Turkmen language schools: education to maintain identity -- Societal security verses pedagogy? -- Concluding remarks -- 4. Ethnically appropriate education: Threats and survival -- Introduction -- Capacity gaps or intentional threats to societal security? -- KRG patronage in disputed territories: Kurdish education -- Turkmen education's coordinated response and resilience -- Ninewa plains: minorities resisting assimilation -- Discussion and conclusions -- 5. Education's interaction with conflict -- Introduction -- Locating the argument -- Separate education and social cohesion -- Equality -- Political use -- Conclusions -- 6. Conclusion -- Introduction -- Research questions -- Theoretical conclusions -- Policy recommendations and ways forward -- Appendix: research methodology -- Bibliography -- Index.

Intro -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Historiography of Israeli Communism -- The History of Communism in Palestine/Israel -- The Rise of Communism in Palestine -- In Search of an Arab-Jewish Party -- Arabization -- The Breakdown of the Arab-Jewish PKP -- The Rise and Fall of MAKI -- Written and Oral Histories of Israeli Communism -- Continuity and Innovation in Research of Israeli Communism -- Chapter 1 Basic Concepts and Political Ritual -- Basic Concepts -- Political Ritual -- Myth, Ritual, and Symbol in the USSR -- Myth, Ritual, and Symbol in the GDR -- Zionist Myth, Ritual, and Symbol -- Chapter 2 The Creation of a Jewish Progressive Tradition -- The Holidays -- Hanukkah -- Passover -- Chapter 3 Holocaust, Independence, and Remembrance in Israeli Communist Commemoration -- The Holocaust in Communist Consciousness and Narrative -- Independence and Remembrance in MAKI and Banki -- Heroes of the Anti-Imperialist Struggle -- Ritual, Narrative, Discourse, and Identity -- Chapter 4 Workers' Utopia and Reality in Israeli Communism -- The Zionist Working Class and the Jewish Communists -- May Day -- Chapter 5 Revolution and the Soviet Union among Israeli Communists -- The Jewish Communists, the Philo-Soviet Community, and the USSR -- The Colossus Triumphant -- The Cosmology of Revolution -- Chapter 6 Arab-Jewish Fraternity: Language, Perception, Symbol, and Ritual -- Arab-Jewish Language and Symbol -- The Language of Arab-Jewish Fraternity -- The Symbolism of Arab-Jewish Fraternity -- Arab-Jewish Ritual -- The Jewish Communist and the Palestinian Other -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Cover -- Table of Content -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction: Spatial Control, Disciplinary Power and Assimilation: the Inevitable Side-Effects of ›Progress‹ and Capitalist ›Modernity‹ -- Chapter One: Into the West, into the East: Spatial Control and Property Relations -- Law into the Far West: Territorial Rights, Indigenous Peoples and Spatial Imagination in the Baptism of the Brazilian Nation-State (1930s-1940s) -- Land, People and Development Interventions: the Case of Rangelands and Mobile Pastoralists in Central Asia -- Re-ordering American Indians' Spatial Practices: The 1887 Dawes Act -- Chapter Two: Settlement Schemes and Development Dreams -- Villagization and the Ambivalent Production of Rural Space in Tanzania -- From Agrarian Experiments to Population Displacement: Iraqi Kurdish Collective Towns in the Context of Socialist ›Villagization‹ in the 1970s -- Spatial Control, ›Modernization‹ and Assimilation: Large Dams in Nubia and the Arabization of Northern Sudan -- Chapter Three: Spatial Control, Knowledge, and the ›Other‹ -- Prevailing Paradigms: Enforced Settlement, Control and Fear in Australian National Discourse -- Disciplining the ›Other‹: Frictions and Continuations in Conceptualizing the ›Zigeuner‹ in the 18th and 19th Century -- Chapter Four: Disciplinary Spaces as Counterinsurgency - Encountered and Countering -- Scorched Earth Campaigns, Forced Resettlement and Ethnic Engineering: Guatemala in the 1980s -- Appropriating and Transforming a Space of Violence and Destruction into one of Social Reconstruction: Survivors of the Anfal Campaign (1988) in the Collective Towns of Kurdistan