Suchergebnisse

1. Framing the conflict : instrumentalizing the Hebrew Bible and settler-colonialism in Palestine -- 2. Promised land and conquest narratives : Zionism and the 1948 Palestine Nakba -- 3. Archaeology as civic religion : secular nationalist ideology, excavating the Bible and the de-Arabization of Palestine -- 4. Colonialist imagination as a site of mimicry and erasure : the Israeli renaming project -- 5. God's mapmakers : Jewish fundamentalism and the land traditions of the Hebrew Bible (1967 to Gaza 2013) -- Conclusion : the new scholarly revolution, and reclaiming the heritage of the disinherited and disenfranchised Palestinians.

This is a book about the use of languages as a proxy for conflict. It traces the history of Algeria from colonization by the French in 1830 to the celebration of 50 years of independence in 2012, and examines the linguistic issues that have accompanied this turbulent period. The book begins with an examination of 'language conflict' and related concepts, and then applies them to both the French colonists' language policies and the Arabization campaigns which followed independence. This is followed by an analysis of the rivalry between the English and French languages in independent Algeria. Th

This study reports on the Arabization and empirical evaluation of two standard scales to assess Egyptian teachers' attitudes toward personal use and school use of computers. To date, no similar instruments have been translated and empirically evaluated in an Arabic-speaking community. Data provided by a sample of 443 teachers support the reliability and validity of the two Arabic versions and the body of the research evidence, which suggests that computer attitude is multidimensional. The relationship between gender, years of teaching experience, computer use, computer experience, and computer attitudes is also examined. Implications for preservice and in-service teacher preparation in Egypt are provided.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INHABITANTS OF GREATER Kabylia and their Arabic-speaking compatriots constitutes one of the fundamental issues of contemporary Algerian politics. This relationship has been neither accurately conceived nor adequately taken into account in the existing literature on modern Algeria. The growth of popular Berberism in Kabylia, articulating widespread opposition to the government's Arabization policy and the demand for official recognition of the Berber language, went unnoticed by outside observers until 1980. It had been visible since at least 1974, but could not be accommodated by prevailing conceptions either of Berber society in general or of Kabyle history in particular.

In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran's politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran's involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran's policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran's foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran's cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.

Berbers marginalized by history The Berbers belong to a group of "nations without state." They are divided into a number of factions characterized by their own specificity (dialect and way of life), scattered endemically in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt (including Tuareg, in Mali, Niger and Mataranka). They all maintain a certain distance to state authorities (especially in Morocco and Algeria), where they are a significant minority, dominated by Arabic-speaking elites.The total number of Berbers is difficult to ascertain because of the ambiguity of the term "Berber" (which results from different degrees of arabization of Berbers). For centuries they have been Islamic, living in the shadow of the Arab population. Little is known about the significant contribution of Berbers to the development of ancient cultures of the Mediterranean and the first centuries of Christianity. Despite their linguistic and cultural Arabization (Islamization), they have maintained their distinctiveness. Manipulated by colonial France within the framework of the so-called "Berber policy," they were entangled in conflicts with their Arab counterparts in Algeria and Morocco. Berberzy na marginesie historiiBerberzy należą do "narodów bez państwa". Dzielą się na szereg odłamów odznaczających się własną specyfiką (dialektem i sposobem życia), rozrzuconych endemicznie na terenach Algierii, Maroka, Tunezji, Libii i Egiptu (a włączając w to Tuaregów, także Mali, Nigru i Mauretanii). Łączy ich utrzymywanie pewnego dystansu do władz państwowych (zwłaszcza Maroka i Algierii), gdzie stanowią znaczącą mniejszość, zdominowanych przez arabskojęzyczne elity.Ogólna liczba Berberów jest trudna do ustalenia z powodu niejednoznaczności samego terminu "Berber" (co wynika z różnego stopnia zarabizowania Berberów). Od stuleci zislamizowani, żyją w cieniu ludności arabskiej. Mało znany, a warty ukazania, jest wkład Berberów w rozwój kultur antycznych basenu Morza Śródziemnego oraz pierwszych wieków chrześcijaństwa.Pomimo trwającej stulecia arabizacji językowej i kulturowej (islamizacji) zachowali oni świadomość odrębności. Manipulowani przez kolonialną Francję w ramach tzw. polityki berberyjskiej, zostali oni uwikłani w konflikt ze swymi arabskimi współrodakami w Algierii i Maroku.

Since independence in 1956, Morocco has actively promoted Arabic and Arab culture through successive waves of "Arabization" policies in its educational system. Yet, French educational diplomas continue to be crucial resources in Morocco, while national Moroccan degrees retain little social and economic currency. Relying on ethnographic fieldwork in Morocco carried out in 2018, this article looks at students from various socioeconomic backgrounds, asks how the grip of French education seventy years after Moroccan independence is experienced on the ground, and provides historical context to account for this situation. It argues that Morocco is an extreme but representative example of how former French colonies—and countries in the Global South—have created new forms of dependence due to their attempts to expand access to education on limited budgets.

This essay develops an image of nineteenth century Zanzibari consumer sensibilities by demonstrating how goods from and new engagements with distant locales affected the socio-cultural landscape of Zanzibar. The East African port's particular cosmopolitanism represents one form of social reconstitution stimulated by global integration. It also represents a material vision of global relations that was discounted by nineteenth century theorizations of Western modernity. By focusing on the rise of a new materiality in Zanzibar, I excavate precolonial visions of global relations and cultural assimilations of global symbols. I argue that East African desires for goods produced all over the globe represented not simply a Westernization, Indicization, or Arabization of Zanzibar, but also a reconfiguration of a standardized set of global materials in an attempt to bring Zanzibari cultural forms into conversation with broader global trends.

Umayyads with Muawiyah leader, no doubt is one of the major figures in the history of Islam. One of the greatest achievements is the ability to expand the areas embraced Islam. Therefore, renowned Muawiyah with the power of expansion, so that Islam may spread to many other countries and regions quickly. Of course it's spread, often using armed force. On the other hand, what the Umayyads, is against the spirit and the things that have been done in the era of the Prophet and the first four caliphs. In particular the system of government and other areas pengislaman patterns. Unity and pluralism are valued at the time of Rasullullah SAW it was revived by the Arabization of the Umayyads. This paper is not research, but the results of the literature review the authors. In essence to describe the phenomenon of Bani Umayya.

International audience ; Mauritania, a Muslim country where the majority of the population speaks Arabic, is located at the periphery of the Muslim world. By the first centuries of Islam, the western part of the Sahara was inhabited by Berber populations, with Black-African populations bordering their territories on the South and South-East frontiers. Since the arrival of the Banī Maˤqil at the end of the XIIIe century, Arabic and Berber speaking groups have coexisted more or less easily, the first imposing little by little their supremacy, starting with military and political power and ending with cultural and linguistic domination. If the close contact between those groups has left important marks on the Zenaga Berber (and resulted in its disappearance), Zenaga has also contributed to give Ḥassāniyya Arabic a number of its characteristics. The article studies the different stages of arabization and offers a historical reconstruction of Ḥassāniyya through the inventory of features shared with other dialects. ; La Mauritanie, pays musulman où la majorité de la population est arabophone, est située à la périphérie du monde arabe. Aux premiers siècles de l'islam, la partie occidentale du Sahara était habitée par des groupes berbérophones, qui côtoyaient, au Sud et au Sud-Est, des populations Négro-africaines. Après l'arrivée des Banī Maˤqil, à la fin du XIIIe siècle, groupes arabophones et groupes berbérophones ont coexisté durant des siècles, les premiers imposant petit à petit leur suprématie qui, de guerrière et politique, a fini par être également culturelle et linguistique. Si le contact étroit entre les uns et les autres a laissé d'importantes traces dans le berbère zénaga (et surtout favorisé sa disparition), il a aussi contribué à donner à l'arabe ḥassāniyya un certain nombre de ses particularités. L'article étudie les différentes étapes de l'arabisation et l'effet du contact. Il propose aussi une reconstitution historique du ḥassāniyya à travers l'inventaire des traits que ce parler partage avec d'autres dialectes.

International audience ; Mauritania, a Muslim country where the majority of the population speaks Arabic, is located at the periphery of the Muslim world. By the first centuries of Islam, the western part of the Sahara was inhabited by Berber populations, with Black-African populations bordering their territories on the South and South-East frontiers. Since the arrival of the Banī Maˤqil at the end of the XIIIe century, Arabic and Berber speaking groups have coexisted more or less easily, the first imposing little by little their supremacy, starting with military and political power and ending with cultural and linguistic domination. If the close contact between those groups has left important marks on the Zenaga Berber (and resulted in its disappearance), Zenaga has also contributed to give Ḥassāniyya Arabic a number of its characteristics. The article studies the different stages of arabization and offers a historical reconstruction of Ḥassāniyya through the inventory of features shared with other dialects. ; La Mauritanie, pays musulman où la majorité de la population est arabophone, est située à la périphérie du monde arabe. Aux premiers siècles de l'islam, la partie occidentale du Sahara était habitée par des groupes berbérophones, qui côtoyaient, au Sud et au Sud-Est, des populations Négro-africaines. Après l'arrivée des Banī Maˤqil, à la fin du XIIIe siècle, groupes arabophones et groupes berbérophones ont coexisté durant des siècles, les premiers imposant petit à petit leur suprématie qui, de guerrière et politique, a fini par être également culturelle et linguistique. Si le contact étroit entre les uns et les autres a laissé d'importantes traces dans le berbère zénaga (et surtout favorisé sa disparition), il a aussi contribué à donner à l'arabe ḥassāniyya un certain nombre de ses particularités. L'article étudie les différentes étapes de l'arabisation et l'effet du contact. Il propose aussi une reconstitution historique du ḥassāniyya à travers l'inventaire des traits que ce parler partage avec d'autres dialectes.

International audience ; Mauritania, a Muslim country where the majority of the population speaks Arabic, is located at the periphery of the Muslim world. By the first centuries of Islam, the western part of the Sahara was inhabited by Berber populations, with Black-African populations bordering their territories on the South and South-East frontiers. Since the arrival of the Banī Maˤqil at the end of the XIIIe century, Arabic and Berber speaking groups have coexisted more or less easily, the first imposing little by little their supremacy, starting with military and political power and ending with cultural and linguistic domination. If the close contact between those groups has left important marks on the Zenaga Berber (and resulted in its disappearance), Zenaga has also contributed to give Ḥassāniyya Arabic a number of its characteristics. The article studies the different stages of arabization and offers a historical reconstruction of Ḥassāniyya through the inventory of features shared with other dialects. ; La Mauritanie, pays musulman où la majorité de la population est arabophone, est située à la périphérie du monde arabe. Aux premiers siècles de l'islam, la partie occidentale du Sahara était habitée par des groupes berbérophones, qui côtoyaient, au Sud et au Sud-Est, des populations Négro-africaines. Après l'arrivée des Banī Maˤqil, à la fin du XIIIe siècle, groupes arabophones et groupes berbérophones ont coexisté durant des siècles, les premiers imposant petit à petit leur suprématie qui, de guerrière et politique, a fini par être également culturelle et linguistique. Si le contact étroit entre les uns et les autres a laissé d'importantes traces dans le berbère zénaga (et surtout favorisé sa disparition), il a aussi contribué à donner à l'arabe ḥassāniyya un certain nombre de ses particularités. L'article étudie les différentes étapes de l'arabisation et l'effet du contact. Il propose aussi une reconstitution historique du ḥassāniyya à travers l'inventaire des traits que ce parler partage avec d'autres ...

This volume examines the Melkite church from the Arab invasion of Syria in 634 until 969. The Melkite Patriarchates were established in Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria and, following the Arab campaigns in Syria and Egypt, they all came under the new Muslim state. Over the next decades the Melkite church underwent a process of gradual marginalization, moving from the privileged position of the state confession to becoming one of the religious minorities of the Caliphate. This transition took place in the context of theological and political interactions with the Byzantine Empire, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, the Papacy and, over time, with the reborn Roman Empire in the West. Exploring the various processes within the Melkite church this volume also examines Caliphate–Byzantine interactions, the cultural and religious influences of Constantinople, the synthesis of Greek, Arab and Syriac elements, the process of Arabization of communities, and Melkite relations with distant Rome.

"'To be or not to be' is an analysis of linguistic, cultural, political, economic and social factors, which explain the intricate root causes of conflicts which have ravished Sudan. It stands in stark contrast to the dominant simplification and distortions which have come to typify presentations of the region. Central to the book is an unapologetic explanation of Arabization; which often is portrayed as individual choices of religious loyalty, but, in fact, masks an intentional power-system which viciously corrupts Afrikan identities. By highlighting the detrimental complexities of manipulation, geopolitics, identity confusion and cultural imperialism, Hashim has not only written an authoritative book about Sudan, but also presented a comprehensive case study that all of Afrika must learn from. Rarely are we presented with such a vigourous inside-view to an area of Afrika which once was held in the highest civilizational esteem, but has been reduced to an ideological field of Arab-led terror, massacres and disintegration." (Publisher's description)