Ovaj rad se sastoji od pet poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju rad se bavi pregledom pojma neutralnosti, povijesnog razvoja instituta trajne neutralnosti, glavnih razlika između privremene i trajne neutralnosti te modusa osnivanja trajne neutralnosti na međunarodnom polju. U drugom poglavlju rada analiziraju se prava i dužnosti neutralnih država uz poseban naglasak na postojanje distinkcije između onih prava i dužnosti koje se odnose kako na trajno neutralne tako i na privremeno neutralne države te onih koji vrijede isključivo za trajno neutralne države. Fokus trećeg poglavlja sastoji se u obradi pitanja članstva u međunarodnim organizacijama, naročito analize problematike glede članstva trajno neutralnih država u organizacijama s ustrojenim sustavima kolektivne sigurnosti. U ovom poglavlju daje se pregled različitih reakcija i stajališta koje su pojedine trajno neutralne države zauzimale prilikom odlučivanja o pristupanju pojedinim međunarodnim organizacijama te se daje osvrt na njihov današnji položaj unutar međunarodne zajednice. Četvrto poglavlje prvenstveno se bavi Švicarskom, Austrijom i Maltom kao primjerima trajno neutralnih država. U ovom poglavlju analizira se povijesni kontekst stjecanja svojstva trajne neutralnosti, njegov razvoj, specifičnosti te prava i obveze koje vežu ove tri države. Konačno, u posljednjem petom poglavlju daje se osvrt na ulogu trajno neutralnih država u očuvanju mira i stabilnosti u međunarodnoj zajednici uslijed sve kompliciranijih odnosa između subjekata međunarodnog prava. ; This thesis consist of of five chapters. In the first chapter the thesis examines the concept of neutrality, the historical development of the institute of permanent neutrality, the main differences between temporary and permanent neutrality, and the mode of establishment of permanent neutrality in the international field. In the second chapter of the paper the rights and duties of neutral states are analyzed with special emphasis on the existence of a distinction between those rights and duties that apply to ...
Svrha je rada upozoriti na osobitu važnost suradnje država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem, napose u prostoru izvan područja suverenosti obalnih država. U radu se stoga objašnjava međunarodnopravni okvir za aktivnosti država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem. Pritom je naglasak stavljen na jurisdikciju država za provođenje prisilnih mjera protiv brodova kojima se krijumčare migranti. Izlaganje polazi od općih pravila koja uređuju jurisdikciju država na otvorenom moru, a danas su kodificirana u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o pravu mora iz 1982. Potom je fokus usmjeren na posebna pravila u vezi s krijumčarenjem migranata na moru sadržanima u Protokolu protiv krijumčarenja migranata kopnom, morem i zrakom, prihvaćenu uz Konvenciju UN-a protiv transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminaliteta iz 2000., gdje je u čl. 7. Protokola podcrtana upravo dužnost suradnje država stranaka "na sprječavanju i suzbijanju krijumčarenja migranata morem, u skladu s međunarodnim pravom mora". Protokol protiv krijumčarenja migranata u svome članku 17., štoviše, potiče države ugovornice na "sklapanje dvostranih ili regionalnih sporazuma ili operativnih dogovora ili suglasnosti" radi njegove bolje implementacije. U tom su smislu prikazani i evaluirani oblici bilateralne i multilateralne regionalne suradnje država s naglaskom na Mediteran, uzimajući napose u obzir suradnju država članica Europske unije preko Agencije za europsku graničnu i obalnu stražu (Frontex). K tomu, dan je osvrt na Rezoluciju Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a br. 2240 (2015) koja državama članicama UN-a daje izvanredne jurisdikcijske ovlasti na otvorenom moru pred obalama Libije, a služi kao pravni temelj za djelovanje mornaričke operacije EU-a EUNAVFOR Med "Sophia" u okviru Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike. ; The aim of the paper is to highlight the particular importance of interstate cooperation in combating migrant smuggling by sea, notably in waters beyond the sovereignty of coastal states. In explaining the international legal framework for the activities of states in combating migrant smuggling by sea, emphasis is put on the jurisdiction of states to take enforcement measures against vessels that are engaged in migrant smuggling. First, the general rules concerning the jurisdiction of states on the high seas are discussed, which are codified today in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982. Thereafter, the focus is on the special rules regarding migrant smuggling by sea, as comprised in the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air of 2000, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Article 7 of the Protocol indeed emphasizes the duty of states parties to "cooperate to the fullest extent possible to prevent and suppress the smuggling of migrants by sea, in accordance with the international law of the sea." Article 17 of the Migrant Smuggling Protocol furthermore encourages states parties to "consider the conclusion of bilateral or regional agreements or operational arrangements or understandings" with a view to enhancing the Protocol's implementation. In that respect the paper examines and evaluates forms of bilateral and regional cooperation between states with an emphasis on the Mediterranean, and especially considers the cooperation between the member states of the European Union via the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). In addition, the UN Security Council Resolution 2240 (2015) is analyzed, since it grants the UN member states exceptional jurisdictional powers on the high seas off the Libyan coast and serves as the legal basis for the activities of EUNAVOR Med Sophia, an EU naval operation in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy.
Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.
U radu se analiziraju pojam i pravni položaj nedržavnih aktera kao stranaka nemeđunarodnih oružanih sukoba, s posebnim osvrtom na odredbe zajedničkog čl. 3. Ženevskih konvencija za zaštitu žrtava rata iz 1949. te Dopunskog protokola II uz Ženevske konvencije iz 1977. godine, kao temeljnog međunarodnopravnog okvira koji regulira postupanje svih stranaka u nemeđunarodnim oružanim sukobima. Analizirajući pravni temelj obvezatnosti spomenutih pravnih normi u odnosu na nedržavne aktere autorica upućuje na neravnopravan položaj koji nedržavni akteri imaju u odnosu na države zbog nemogućnosti da formalno postanu strankama navedenih međunarodnih ugovora. U tom kontekstu iznose se prednosti alternativnih mehanizama (sklapanja drugih međunarodnih ugovora, davanja jednostranih izjava ili izjava o obvezivanju) kojima nedržavni akteri mogu izraziti svoju volju i pristanak da budu vezani pravilima međunarodnog humanitarnog prava, što može imati pozitivan učinak i na njihovu svijest o odgovornosti za kršenje tih pravila. ; The author of this paper analyzes the concept and the legal status of non-State actors as parties to non-international armed conflicts. A special emphasis is placed on common Article 3 of the four Geneva Conventions for the protection of victims of war of 1949, as well as on the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (Protocol II) of 1977 – the fundamental legal framework that regulates conduct of all parties to non-international armed conflicts. Notwithstanding the fact that these international instruments equally bind both States as well as non-State actors as parties to non-international armed conflicts, the legal position of non-State actors, compared to States, is not identical. Moreover, non-State actors cannot become parties to the aforementioned international agreements. In such a context, the author introduces alternative mechanisms (the conclusion of other international agreements, making unilateral declarations or Deeds of Commitment) which non-State actors can use to express their will and consent to be bound by the rules of international humanitarian law. The author concludes that such mechanisms may produce positive effects on non-State actors' awareness of their responsibility for violations of those rules.
Kao rezultat izbora 2005. Pravo i pravda (PIS) postaje dominantna stranka u poljskom parlamentu s dominantnom braćom Kaczyński na čelu. Od 2007. do 2015. je oporbena politička sila, a onda 2015. uvjerljivom većinom i u donjem i u gornjem domu parlamenta opet dolazi na vlast. PiS je radikalna stranka desne orijentacije ili desnog centra. Zbog svojih je radikalnih stavova često spominjan kao uzrok slabijeg razvoja Poljske i njenog slabog međunarodnog položaja. U radu se konzervativna vlast te stranke prikazuje s obzirom na neovisnost rada sudova, slobodu medija i zaštitu ljudskih prava i sloboda. Status zaštite ljudskih prava i stupanj demokracije utjecao je na odnos EU prema Poljskoj, a nacionalizam PiS-a na odnos Poljske prema EU, Rusiji, Njemačkoj i ukupnoj međunarodnoj zajednici. ; As a result of the 2005 election, the Law and Justice party (abbreviated as PiS in Polish for Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) became the dominant party in the Polish parliament under the leadership of the Kaczyński brothers, Lech and Jaroslaw. From 2007 to 2015, PiS was a force in its role as the political opposition. It came to power again in 2015 after winning persuasive majorities in the Lower and Upper Houses. PiS is a radical party of right or center-right orientation. Because of its radical positions, it often is mentioned as a cause of Poland's weaker national development and international status. This work discusses the party's conservative government with regard to the relationship between legislative and judicial authorities, freedom of the media, and the protection of human rights. Poland's state of human rights protection and its degree of democracy has influenced its relationship with the EU. PiS's nationalism also has had an impact on Poland's relations with the EU, Russia, Germany, and the larger international community.
Odgovornost međunarodnih organizacija za međunarodno protupravne čine privukla je veliku pozornost doktrine i prakse posljednjih godina, otkad je Komisija za međunarodno pravo UN-a izradila Nacrt članaka o toj materiji. U radu razmatramo osnovna rješenja Nacrta, a posebnu pozornost posvećujemo slučajevima višestruke pripisivosti te odgovornosti država za međunarodno protupravne čine međunarodne organizacije. ; The responsibility of international organizations attracted special attention in theory and practice of international law after the International Law Commission began its work on the topic in 2002. The Commission ended its work in 2011 by adopting the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organization. In this contribution we give an overall review of the Draft articles with special a emphasis on the cases of multiple attribution and responsibility of states for internationally wrongful acts of international organizations. Analyzing the critical remarks raised in regard to the Draft, we concluded that they cannot diminish the successful outcome of the work of the Commission, which is, a coherent and consistent system of rules devoted to the responsibility of international organizations.
Ovaj rad pokušava prikazivanjem međunarodnog sustava za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma odgovoriti na pitanje uspješnosti tog sustava. Terorizam je jedan od najsloženijih fenomena današnjeg svijeta te zasigurno najizazovnija pojava društva u kojem živimo i kao takav zahtijeva dubinsku analizu svih svojih aspekata u svrhu što učinkovitije borbe protiv istoga. U prvom djelu rada prikazan je način na koji se terorističke organizacije financiraju: izvori njihovih sredstava, načini prijenosa tih sredstava te je prikazano na što sve terorističke organizacije i teroristi troše ta sredstva. Drugi dio rada prikazuje međunarodni okvir za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma i to: UN-ove konvencije i rezolucije, FATF-ove Posebne preporuke i europsko zakonodavstvo o sprječavanju korištenja financijskog sustava za pranje novca i financiranje terorizma. Na kraju je prikazan zakonodavni i institucionalni okvir Republike Hrvatske za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma. Zaključuje se kako je međunarodna borba protiv financiranja terorizma i dalje daleko od potpunog uspjeha zbog činjenice da se terorističke organizacije bez većih problema konstantno prilagođavaju novonastalim uvjetima i novim oblicima financiranja. ; This paper attempts to show international system for prevention of the financing of terrorism and to answer the question of its efficiency. Terrorism is one of the most complex phenomena of today's world and certainly the most challenging phenomena of society in which we live, and as such requires an in-depth analysis of all its aspects in order to ensure a more efficient fight against it. In the first part of the paper it is showen the way in which terrorist organizations are being financed: sources of their funds, methods of transfer of these funds, and it shows on what the terrorist organizations and terrorists spend these funds. In the second part of the paper it is showen the international framework for the prevention of terrorist financing: UN conventions and resolutions, FATF Special recommendations and ...
In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed. ; In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed.
Cilj je ovoga rada raščlaniti razloge koji ukazuju na potrebu donošenja kodificiranih pravila upravnoga postupka u pravu Unije te ocijeniti kvalitetu predloženih rješenja. U ovome radu najprije se nastoji odgovoriti na pitanje postoji li u Europskoj uniji potreba za kodificiranjem pravila upravnoga postupka. To se čini analizom nekih njezinih propisa, ali i stajališta iznesenih u znanstvenoj i stručnoj literaturi. Ukazuje se na dosadašnje "kodifikacijske neuspjehe" te se kratko prikazuje geneza donošenja i danas aktualnoga prijedloga Uredbe o otvorenoj, učinkovitoj i neovisnoj upravi Europske unije. Zatim se analiziraju ciljevi ovoga prijedloga propisa i u njemu sadržana rješenja. Ona se uspoređuju s aktualnim rješenjima sadržanima u hrvatskom pravnom sustavu i pravnim sustavima nekih država članica Unije, kako bi se utvrdilo hoće li eventualno usvajanje predložene uredbe u praksi zahtijevati značajnije odstupanje u radu institucija, tijela, ureda i agencija Unije od pravila vođenja upravnoga postupka uvriježenih u nacionalnim pravnim sustavima država članica. Time se ukazuje na neke prednosti, ali i nedostatke predloženoga teksta. Konačno, zaključuje se hoće li Unija eventualnom predloženom "kodifikacijom" stvoriti nove pravne režime ili će se zadovoljiti zakonskim utvrđenjem već postojećih pravila u okviru jednoga propisa. ; The aim of this paper is to analyse reasons pointing out the need to codify the rules for administrative procedure in EU law and to assess the quality of suggested solutions. Firstly, an attempt is made to answer the question of whether the European Union needs to codify rules of administrative procedure. This is done by analysing some of its regulations as well as the views purported in scientific and professional literature. The "codification failures" to date are pointed out and the genesis of passing the today still current proposed "Regulations on open, effective and independent European Union Administration". Then, the aims of this proposed regulation and its contained solutions are ...
RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAZa tematiku i aktualnost ove rubrike Šumarskoga lista očito nije potrebno brinuti. Naime, svako malo mediji nam prenose vijesti o novim nesporazumima pa i sukobima šumarske struke i amaterskih udruga, koje si umišljaju da sve znaju o šumarstvu. Interesantno, primjerice u kirurgiju se ne petljaju! Tako ovih dana u Glasu Istre čitamo: Nastavlja se fajt oko Motovunske šume – Tartufari uzvraćaju udarac: Hrvatske šume ponašaju se kao feudalac! Šire o tome pisat ćemo na temelju egzaktnih podataka u jednoj od rubrika sljedećeg dvobroja Šumarskoga lista. Ovdje ćemo komentirati Zakon i ulogu Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o.Feudalizam je oblik društvenog odnosa koji je prevladavao u srednjem i dijelu novoga vijeka, ukinut 1848. godine, a feudalac je vlasnik zemljišta za kojega drugi rade. Da li su Hrvatske šume d.o.o. vlasnik zemljišta-šume i da li odgovaraju tome kriteriju? Za odgovor na ovo pitanje pozivamo se ponajprije na zakon, u ovome slučaju Zakon o šumama, koji u članku 2. (1) kaže: Šume i šumska zemljišta dobra su od interesa za Republiku Hrvatsku te imaju njezinu osobnu zaštitu, a u istom članku (3) Vlada Republike Hrvatske upravlja šumama i šumskim zemljištem u interesu Republike Hrvatske, prema u daljnjem tekstu navedenim načelima. Članak 3. (1) navodi: Šume i šumska zemljišta specifično su šumsko bogatstvo te s općekorisnim i gospodarskim funkcijama šuma uvjetuju poseban način planiranja, gospodarenja i korištenja na načelu održivog gospodarenja šumama. (2) Održivo gospodarenje šumama znači korištenje šuma i šumskog zemljišta na način, i u mjeri, koja održava njihovu bioraznolikost, produktivnost, kapacitet za regeneraciju, vitalnost i potencijal da trenutačno i ubuduće ispune odgovarajuće ekološke, gospodarske i društvene funkcije na lokalnoj, nacionalnoj i globalnoj razini te koja ne uzrokuje štetu drugim ekosustavima. Po tome načelu potrajnosti, hrvatskim šumama šumarska struka gospodari već više od 250 godina. Uz gospodarske funkcije šuma (proizvodnju drvnih sortimenata, proizvodnju šumskog reprodukcijskog materijala i proizvodnju nedrvnih šumskih proizvoda), treba imati na umu da ona osigurava i njene općekorisne funkcije navedene u članku 4. (1) do (9). Dakle, u gospodarenju s tim najsloženijim ekosustavom nema mjesta amaterizmu i interesnim skupinama! Žalosno je i nelogično, ali istinito, da je politika koja treba strogo zagovarati Zakon, češćesklonija njima nego struci. Imajući u vidu prethodno rečeno o šumi kao specifičnom šumskom bogatstvu, logično je da operativno njima može upravljati i gospodariti specifična pravna osoba koja posjeduje potrebnu infrastrukturu, opremu i posebice visoko stručne kadrove. Kada je riječ o visokostručnim kadrovima opetovano ističemo, kako se još u 19. stoljeću odlučilo da šumama trebaju upravljati i gospodariti fakultetski obrazovani stručnjaci, pa ističemo da je i šumarska fakultetska nastava u Hrvatskoj uspostavljena već 20. listopada 1898. godine. Stoga je logično da upravljanje i gospodarenje šumama Vlada Republike Hrvatske povjerava javnom šumoposjedniku Hrvatske šume d.o.o. čiji je osnivač. Članak 44. (1) propisuje: Javni šumoposjednik i Ustanova (kada se radi o zaštićenim šumama) dužni su osigurati zaštitu šuma i šumskih zemljišta u vlasništvu Republike Hrvatske od protupravnog prisvajanja, korištenja i drugih protupravnih radnji te provoditi šumski red. Iz svega je razvidno da je sve zakonom propisano i da su Hrvatske šume d. o. o. provoditelj Zakona o šumama, a nikako feudalac. No, kada raspravljamo o stanju u našoj Državi, počevši od društvenih odnosa, gospodarstva, pa sve do prevelikog uvoza "svega i svačega", svima su "puna usta" Pravne države, naravno samo kada to njima ide u prilog, a briga ih za opći interes.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALWe should never be concerned about the themes and topicality of this column of Forestry Journal. Every now and then the media reports on the latest misunderstandings and even conflicts between the forestry profession and amateur associations which imagine that they know everything about forestry. Interestingly, they never meddle in surgery, for example. The Voice of Istria recently wrote: The battle of the Motovun Forest continues - Truffle hunting people strike back: The company Croatian Forests Ltd behaves like a feudal lord! This topic will be dealt with more extensively on the basis of exact data in one of the columns of the next double issue of Forestry Journal.Feudalism is a form of social system that prevailed in the Middle and part of the New Age and was abolished in 1848. A feudal lord was a land owner who had other people working for him. Is the company Croatian Forests Ltd the owner of the land - forest and does it match these criteria? To answer these questions we should first consult the law, in this case the Forest Law. Article 2 (1) of the said Law states: Forests and forest land are natural goods of interest to the Republic of Croatia and enjoy its particular protection. In the same article (3) it is stated that the Government of the Republic of Croatia manages forests and forest land in the interest of the Republic of Croatia according to the principles listed further on. Article 3 (1) states: Forests and forest land constitute specific forest wealth and together with non-market and market forest functions dictate a particular manner of planning, management and usage according to the principles of sustainable forest management. (2) Sustainable management of forests means using forests and forest land in the manner and to the extent to which it maintains its biodiversity, productivity, regeneration capacity, vitality and potential to, now and in the future, fulfil the relevant ecological, economic and social functions locally, nationally and globally without inflicting harm to other ecosystems. The Croatian forestry profession has applied the principle of sustainability to Croatian forests for over 250 years. In addition to commercial forest functions (production of wood assortments, production of forest reproductive material and production of non-wood forest products), we should bear in mind that it also ensures its non-market functions listed in article 4 (1) to (9). Therefore, management of this most complex ecosystem excludes amateurism and interest groups! Sadly and illogically, but true, politics which should strictly enforce the Law, is more often inclined to them than to the profession. In view of what was said above about the forest as specific forest wealth, it is logical that it should operatively be managed by a specific legal entity which has the necessary infrastructure, equipment and highly skilled personnel in particular. As for highly skilled personnel, we repeatedly point out that it was decided no later than 19th century that forests should be managed by academically educated experts. Furthermore, the university forestry education in Croatia was established as early as 20th October 1898. It is logical, therefore, that the Government of the Republic of Croatia entrusted the company Croatian Forests Ltd, a public forest owner which it founded, with forest planning and management. Article 44 (1) states: The public forest owner and Institution (in case of protected forests) are obliged by law to ensure the protection of forests and forest land owned by the Republic of Croatia from unlawful appropriation, use and other illegal activities, as well as enforce the forest order. Clearly, everything is regulated by law: hence, the company Croatian Forests Ltd is the law enforcer and by no means a feudal lord. Yet, when we discuss the situation in our State, starting from social relations, economy and excessive import of "anything and everything", we all swear by the legal State, but only when it is in our favour, while public interest is of no concern whatsoever.Editorial Board
Protectionism is a system of measures used for the purpose of protecting domestic manufacturers from foreign competition. It has emerged simultaneously with the international exchange of goods. The contemporary protectionist policy and practice imposes the necessity of studying this phenomenon in the light of the current situation and conditions. Agricultural protectionism seems to be a particularly significant issue in the international exchange of commodities. ; Protekcionizam označava sustav mjera ekonomske države sa ciljem zaštite domaće proizvodnje u odnosu na konkurenciju inozemnih proizvođača. Javlja se nakon pojave međunarodne razmjene. Međutim, suvremena protekcionistička politika i praksa obavezuje da se istražuje fenomen protekcionizma u suvremenim uvjetima. Posebno je u suvremenoj teoriji za međunarodnu razmjenu značajan agrarni protekcionizam.
The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.
Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...
U tekstu se rastvara pojam "dekonstrukcije" administrativne države u SAD-u kao njen reprezentativni primjer. Polazeći od dominacije moderne administrativne države, puna slika suvremenog konstitucionalizma u SAD-u mora uključivati administrativni konstitucionalizam kao svekoliko razumijevanje i interpretaciju suvremene administrativne države i njene strukture od strane agencija i drugih aktivnih aktera upravnoga prava. Administrativni konstitucionalizam danas je jedan od najintenzivnije izučavanih predmeta istraživanja komparativnog ustavnog i upravnog prava. Razlog egzegeze ovoga pitanja nisu samo njegove različite dimenzije već i činjenica da on predstavlja glavni mehanizam kojim se danas elaborira i implementira ustavno značenje. ; This paper opens up the concept of "deconstruction "of administrative states in the USA as its representative example. Starting from the domination of a modern administrative state, the full picture of modern constitutionalism in the USA must include administrative constitutionalism as overall understanding and interpretation of a modern administrative state and its structure by agencies and other active participants in administrative law. Administrative constitutionalism is today one of the most intensively studied subjects of investigation of comparative constitutional and administrative law. The reason for exegesis of this issue is not only its various dimensions but also the fact that it represents the main mechanism which today elaborates and implements constitutional meaning.
