Since the World War II three Latin American states: Argentina, Brazil, and Chile have been using three different approaches to their higher education policy. Although each of these states declared that higher education was fundamental for their economic, social, and political progress, but due to historical differences these states used different means of supporting access to colleges and universities. The connection between higher education and government policy has been so important because education is considered to be one of the most fundamental human rights. The UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights points out that education is necessary for free development of human personality. ; Po II wojnie światowej trzy kraje Ameryki Łacińskiej: Argentyna, Brazylia i Chile wybrały odmienne rozwiązania w swojej polityce wobec szkolnictwa wyższego. Każdy z tych krajów uznał, że wyższe wykształcenie obywateli jest warunkiem rozwoju ekonomicznego, społecznego i politycznego, ale ze względu na historię zastosowały różne metody wspierania dostępu do wykształcenia. Powiązanie wykształcenia z polityką państwa jest o tyle ważne, że dostęp do uczelni traktowany jest jako realizacja jednego z podstawowych praw człowieka – prawa dostępu do edukacji. Zgodnie z Powszechną Deklaracją Praw Człowieka jest to warunek pełnego rozwoju osoby ludzkiej.
A political transformation that has started in Argentina in 1983 put an end on the reign of military junta, but at the same time it was related with a number of challenges for both first democratic governments and the argentine society as a whole. One of the most problematic issues resulting from the confrontation with the crimes from 1976 – 1983 was so called transitional justice and the problem of identity and collective memory of societies coming out of the period of trauma, which are characterized by a high polarization due to different, even contradictory at times interpretations and ideas about the past. The article attempts to analyze the difficult process of settlement of the dirty war period, including the characteristics of the preceding events, the policy of the first democratic governments and the original strategies developed by the argentine movement for human rights, which on the one hand aimed to combat with the impunity of the perpetrators, and on the other hand to counteract the social amnesia and to keep the memory about the tragic past events alive. ; Zapoczątkowany w 1983 r. proces transformacji ustrojowej w Argentynie zakończył okres rządów junty wojskowej, ale jednocześnie wiązał się z wieloma wyzwaniami zarówno dla pierwszych demokratycznych rządów, jak i całego argentyńskiego społeczeństwa. Jednymi z najbardziej problematycznych kwestii determinowanych koniecznością konfrontacji ze zbrodniami z lat 1976 – 1983 okazały się tzw. sprawiedliwość okresu transformacji oraz kwestia tożsamości i pamięci zbiorowej społeczeństwa wychodzącego z okresu traumy, charakteryzującego się wysokim stopniem polaryzacji ze względu na odmienne, często sprzeczne interpretacje i wyobrażenia na temat przeszłości. W niniejszym artykule dokonano próby analizy trudnego procesu rozliczania się z okresem tzw. brudnej wojny, z uwzględnieniem charakterystyki wydarzeń, które do niego doprowadziły, polityki pierwszych demokratycznych po dyktaturze rządów oraz oryginalnych strategii wypracowanych przez argentyński ruch praw człowieka, które z jednej strony służyły walce z bezkarnością winnych, z drugiej zaś miały na celu przeciwdziałać społecznej amnezji i podtrzymać pamięć na temat tragicznych wydarzeń z przeszłości.
The work is a compendium of information and a study of Polish-Latin American relations, with particular emphasis on the implications of Poland's accession to the structures of the European Union in the context of the country's policy towards Latin America. The monograph is the first in the literature on the subject in which the title issue has been presented within the framework of the entire post-cold war period, i.e. 1989/1990–2016, and in a comprehensive way, on the political, economic, scientific and cultural levels. The author has focused on the analysis of bilateral relations with Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela. The determinant of such a choice was the desire to discuss Poland's relations with its main Latin American partners. In accordance with the government document Strategia RP w odniesieniu do pozaeuropejskich krajów rozwijających się [Strategy of the Republic of Poland with regard to non-European developing countries] of 2004, Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico were included among the priority partners, while Colombia and Venezuela were defined as important. These are the Latin American countries with which Poland conducts political dialogue both bilaterally and multilaterally (within the EU or the Pacific Alliance, which includes three of the countries listed in the Strategy – Mexico, Chile and Colombia), and Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and Chile account for the largest percentage of Poland's trade with the region (about 75%). As far as the historical experience of mutual contacts is concerned, it should be noted that these countries, especially Brazil and Argentina, were the main directions of emigration from Poland to Latin America. The work also mentions Poland's relations with other countries of the region, such as Cuba, Peru, Panama and Ecuador. The study is devoted to the post-war period, but it takes into account the context of Poland's earlier policy towards Latin America, divided into the most characteristic stages, corresponding to continuity and change in the bilateral relations. It discusses Poland's contacts with the countries of this region in the 17th and 18th centuries, as well as in the 19th century, when there was an increased emigration of Poles, especially to Brazil (the so-called Brazilian fever) and Argentina. The title issue has been presented in the bilateral and multilateral dimension, taking into account the formal and legal basis and the results of meetings at the highest and lowest levels. Factors hindering and facilitating relations between Poland and Latin American countries and the position of these countries in the foreign policy of Poland have been identified. Determinants and tendencies in Polish policy towards the Latin American region, its manifestations, as well as dilemmas and challenges that appeared in the 21st century have been presented. Moreover, arguments for intensification of mutual relations in bilateral and multilateral forums and potential areas of cooperation in the field of political, economic, scientific and cultural relations have been indicated.
Bilateral relations between Poland and Latin American countries have been largely determined by the history At the time when the countries of that region fought for their independence, Poland did not exist as a sovereign state and was erased from the political map of Europe for many years. Therefore, the establishment of diplomatic or commercial relations with the states of the Latin American region was not possible. However, the countries of Latin America, which in the last century began an intense process of political and economic changes, have rapidly gained recognition in international relations, which as a result influenced their relations with the rest of the world. The active policy towards the Latin American region, conducted, among the others by the European Union, including countries neighbouring Poland, as well as the growing political and economic needs of our country, pose a number of new challenges to the Latin American policy of Poland. The research area of this paper focuses on Poland's foreign policy towards some specified Latin American and Caribbean countries in the post-Cold War period from 1989/1990 to the end of 2016 (regarding also some relevant topics in the first half of 2017). The main part of the work focuses on the analysis of Poland's foreign policy in relation to several Latin American countries: Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela. The choice of the countries was aimed at presenting Poland's relations with the main partners of our country in Latin America. In order to show the whole spectrum of Poland's foreign policy towards some specified Latin American countries, its character was described in a multidimensional manner in four different and complementary dimensions: political, economic, cultural and scientific. The main research objective of this paper has been to present the essence of Poland's foreign policy towards Latin American countries in the post-Cold War period, at a political, economic, cultural and scientific level, taking into account the key aspects of relations from previous years, as well as presenting trends and elements of continuity and change shaping policy of the Third Republic of Poland towards the countries of the Latin American region. The author's aim was to present the main dilemmas and problems of the Latin American policy of Poland, as well as potential areas and reasons for intensifying cooperation on various levels with the countries of the region, in view of the challenges facing Latin American policy of Poland in the second decade of the 21st century.
Celem badawczym artykułu jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie, gdzie uplasować suwerenność w ustrojach federalnych Argentyny, Stanów Zjednoczonych i Szwajcarii? Zarazem jest to pytanie o to, kto (jaki podmiot) jest nośnikiem suwerenności (a więc suwerenem) w analizowanych ustrojach. W artykule posłużono się następującą metodą. Najpierw analizie poddane zostały dwie główne kategorie – suwerenność oraz ustrój federalny. W odniesieniu do pierwszej z nich, obok ujęć teoretycznych, przedyskutowane zostały także jej definicje filologiczne, celem możliwie najbardziej precyzyjnego ustalenia jej znaczenia. Analiza drugiej spośród kluczowych kategorii, poza ustaleniem jej zakresu znaczeniowego, miała także na celu wskazanie wpływu kategorii suwerenność na konceptualizacje kategorii ustrój federalny. W ostatniej części tekstu kategorie suwerenność i ustrój federalny wykorzystane zostały do zwięzłej analizy trzech wspomnianych ustrojów federalnych, celem udzielenia odpowiedzi na zasadnicze pytanie badawcze. Skutkiem przeprowadzonej analizy jest teza stwierdzająca, że suwerenność nie może być dzielona w ramach tego samego systemu federalnego na kilka podmiotów. Ustalenie to prowadzi jednocześnie do zakwestionowania poprawności stosunkowo częstych definicji ustroju federalnego, opartych o założenie dopuszczające dzielenie suwerenności. Dalsze badania powinny polegać na poszerzeniu porównawczej analizy o kolejne ustroje federalne, celem wykazania, czy poczynione ustalenia mogą być uogólnione. Bazę źródłową dla niniejszych rozważań stanowiły w przeważającej mierze źródła drukowane, w postaci aktów prawnych (przede wszystkim konstytucji) oraz opracowań dotyczących suwerenności, ustroju federalnego w ogóle oraz jego trzech wymienionych wariantów. Wykorzystano także pewną ilość źródeł internetowych (głównie słowniki).The research objective of the present study is to answer the following question: where can sovereignty be placed in the federal systems of Argentina, the United States of America and the Swiss Confederation? It is also a question relating to the sovereign: which subject, in the indicated federal systems, can be described in this way. To achieve the aforementioned aim, the following method has been used. First, the two main categories are analyzed, i.e. sovereignty and a federal system. With regard to the first of them, to achieve the most precise understanding of it, not only the theoretical interpretations of the concept of sovereignty are discussed, but also its various philological definitions. The analysis of the second of the main categories, besides leading towards its definition, has also revealed, how various conceptualizations of the federal system are influenced by the concept of sovereignty. In the final part of the article these categories are applied in a concise analysis of the three mentioned federal systems, in order to answer the central research question. As a result, the following conclusion can be drawn: sovereignty cannot be divided among various subjects in a single federal polity. Subsequently, frequent conceptualizations of the federal system based upon the notion of divided sovereignty must be perceived as incorrect. Additional research shall broaden the scope of the comparative analysis to include other federal systems, in order to establish if the present conclusions could be generalized. The undertaken research is based primarily on printed sources i.e. legal acts (especially the constitutions) and secondary sources concerning sovereignty, federal system in general and its three studied variants. A certain number of internet sources was also used (mostly the dictionaries).
