Suchergebnisse

Os autores analisam as lutas sociais na Argentina a partir dos anos 90 até os recentesacontecimentos que derrubaram o governo Fernando De La Rua, em plena vigência doestado de sítio. Ao mesmo tempo sinalizam três etapas dessas lutas: 1993-1997 (augedas mobilizações populares); 1997-1998/9 (desaparecimento da unidade na luta dos trabalhadores); 1999-2001 (nova ascensão das lutas sociais). ; The authors analyze social struggles in Argentina from the 1990s up to the recent events that overthrew the government of Fernando De La Rua in the midst of an officially declared state of siege. They point to three phases ofstruggle: 1993-1997 (peak of popular mobilization); 1997-1998/9(disappearance of unity in worker struggles); 1999-2001 (new upsurge of social struggles).

O texto reflete criticamente sobre os tempos da ditaduta militar na Argentina e sua política de terror.

Desde 2003, a taxa de crescimento do PIB foi mais elevada na Argentina do que no Brasil, e a distribuição da renda, menos desigual. Diminuiu a pobreza. Aumentou o emprego - incluindo o setor industrial - e os empregos informais, assalariados ou não, perdem sua importância relativa. A balança comercial é fortemente superavitária, a taxa de endividamento não excessivamente elevada. A inflação real tem nível elevado, muito mais forte do que aquela anunciada pelo governo e reduz o poder aquisitivo entre as categorias mais pobres. O apreciamento recente da taxa de câmbio efetiva, o peso crescente das commodities nas exportações, das quais depende o financiamento das subvenções concedidas particularmente aos setores com forte consumo de energia, os subsídios insuficientes destinados às indústrias intensivas envolvidas com pesquisa podem transformar o círculo virtuoso de hoje num círculo vicioso amanhã. ; Since 2003, the growth rate of the GDP has been higher in Argentina than in Brazil. Income distribution is less unequal. Poverty has decreased. Employment is growing - including in the industrial sector -; informal jobs, whether salaried or not, are loosing ground; while the balance of trade shows a trade surplus and the debt ratio is not overly right. Real inflation is hight, far higher than announced by the government, and it curtails any rise in buying power, particularly among the poorest. The recent rise ineffective exchange rates, the rise in the share of raw materials in exports, the fact that these are needed for subsidies paid mainly to energy consuming sectors, the shortage of subsidies to research intensives industries could to morrow turn what is currently a virtuous circle into a vicious circle.

This article analyses a series of legal and illegal state policies and ruling-party strategies, of a repressive nature or involving political persecution, which were implemented by Peronist governments between 1973 and 1976, in the period prior to the military dictatorship that imposed State terrorism in Argentina. The observation of these practices is combined with the study of the discourses of diverse members of the political system from the period. The study reveals the gradual establishment of a discourse about "national security", that is to say, based on the idea of a subversive enemy of a domestic nature and alien to the "national spirit". The Argentinian case study shows that this type of discourse, which is generally associated with the military regimes of the Southern Cone, also existed and was put into practice in constitutional regimes

ABSTRACT:This paper describes our analysis of the proposals, projects, and policies of the Argentine federal government headed by President Mauricio Macri to evaluate educational quality at a national level. The plan includes the standardized tests APRENDER and ENSEÑAR, the PLAN MAESTR@ and the project to establish the Instituto de Evaluación de Calidad y Equidad Educativa. The current administration justifies these measures as a means of improving on the policies of the previous government. We argue that these efforts apply to the national stage the experience accumulated in the Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires during the years in which Macri served as the city's Jefe de Gobierno. This is a jurisdiction governed since 2007 by the Alianza Cambiemos in which Macri's PRO Party is the dominant party. Using a qualitative approach and various sources, we analyze the characteristics and organization of the government's plan, and its conceptual basis. In addition, we analyze the difference between these policies and those implemented by the former Kirchner administration/s. ; El artículo describe las recientes propuestas y políticas de evaluación de la calidad educativa del gobierno argentino: las pruebas APRENDER y ENSEÑAR, el Plan MAESTR@ y el proyecto de creación del Instituto de Evaluación de Calidad y Equidad Educativa. Se argumenta que estas propuestas y medidas, justificadas como un perfeccionamiento de las políticas del gobierno anterior, implican la transferencia al plano nacional de la experiencia acumulada en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, jurisdicción en la que el PRO (Propuesta Republicana, partido dominante en Cambiemos) gobierna desde 2007 Con un abordaje cualitativo y el uso de fuentes diversas, se analizan sus características y organización y supuestos conceptuales, su relación con paradigmas transnacionales dominantes de evaluación de la calidad educativa, y la medida en que se diferencian de las políticas implementadas por los gobiernos kirchneristas.

Introduction: Brazil is one of the world leaders in consumption of agrochemicals, generating billions of reais/year and this fact is increasing. The herbicide Paraquat has a highly hydrophilic molecule and it is used in the control of weeds in many types of plantations. Objective: To determine the presence and content of Paraquat in apples using the following types from the national market: Gala, Fuji, Argentina and Verde, with or without peel and to analyze the residual Paraquat content according to the Brazilian and European legislation. Method: An adapted methodology (UV/VIS spectrophotometer) was used in apples' types with or without peel. Results: Considering the studied types of apples, although Paraquat was present in all of them, only the Verde and Gala types would be approved by European regulations. Argentina type would be approved only by the limits stated by Anvisa and Fuji type would not be approved by none of the regulations. Conclusions: There is a need for constant inspection by analyzing the content of pesticides in food as well as legislation that establishes mandatory information about the type of agrochemical used and the corresponding residual limit allowed. ; Introdução: O Brasil é um dos líderes mundiais no consumo de agrotóxicos, gerando bilhões de reais por ano em valores crescentes. O herbicida Paraquate é uma molécula considerada altamente hidrofílica utilizada em plantações de milho, soja, batata, maçã, entre outros. Objetivo: Determinar a presença e o teor de Paraquate em maçãs do tipo Gala, Fuji, Argentina e Verde, em presença e ausência de casca e discutir seus limites aceitáveis nas legislações vigentes brasileira e europeia. Método: Determinar a quantidade de Paraquate por meio de metodologia adaptada utilizando um espectrofotômetro UV/VIS em amostras de maçãs já mencionadas com e sem casca. Resultados: Dos tipos estudados de maçãs considerando a fruta com a casca, embora o Paraquate estivesse presente em todas, somente os tipos Verde e Gala estariam aprovados pela regulamentação da Comissão Europeia, a Argentina seria aprovada pelos limites da Anvisa e a Fuji seria reprovada pelas duas regulamentações. Conclusões: Há a necessidade de constante fiscalização por meio da análise de teor de agrotóxicos em alimentos, bem como de novas legislações que estabeleçam a obrigatoriedade da informação do tipo de agrotóxico utilizado no produto e o limite residual permitido.

Este artículo presenta una serie de hallazgos que surgen del análisis de datos estadísticos sobre matrícula en la Educación Secundaria argentina, datos que son puestos en relación con indicadores sobre empleo joven para el mismo período. Los mismos se interpretan a la luz de los enfoques teóricos de las corrientes críticas de la Sociología de la Educación. A partir de recuperar análisis del Estado argentino para el período pos 2001, como un gobierno neodesarrollista, y de considerar sus características desde perspectivas gramscianas, se intenta interpretar al sistema educativo en tanto herramienta en la configuración de procesos de hegemonía. Procesos que para algunos autores configuran una hegemonía debil, debido a estar conducida por un gobierno que se adapta pragmáticamente a las exigencias de la coyuntura, y que termina reproduciendo una gestión de contradicciones las cuales se expresan, como se plantea en las conclusiones, también en la educación. Siendo así, se invita al lector a profundizar en el análisis del sistema educativo desde una perspectiva crítica proveniente de la Sociología de la Educación. Ésta permite vincular aquello que en numerosos análisis sobre el sistema educativo aparece desvinculadado, la relación Estado-hegemonía-educación. En este caso lo hace observando el comportamiento estructural de la población en edad formal de asistir a la educación secundaria: la juventud. ; The following article presents a series of findings that arise from statistical analysis of enrollment data originated in Argentina's Secondary Education system, which is then linked to youth employment indicators for the same period. Those are interpreted making use of theoretical approaches provided by critical currents of Sociology of Education. By recovering the analysis of the Argentinian State as a neo-developmental government in the post-2001 period, and considering its characteristics from a Gramscian perspective, we try to interpret the educational system as a tool in the configuration of hegemony processes. For some authors those processes develop a weak hegemony, due to a government that adapts pragmatically to juncture demands, and ends up reproducing the management of contradictions which are also expressed, as stated in the conclusions, in Education. Therefore, the reader is invited to deepen the analysis of the educational system from a critical perspective given by the Sociology of Education, specifically in its contributions on educational inequality. This perspective allows us to establish the relationship between the hegemony of State, hegemony and education, which seems disconnected from the education system according to several analysis. This will be achieved by observing the structural behavior of population in age to formally attend secondary school: the youth.

The paper contrasts the government accountability in the financing of K-12 education in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay. It describes the countries' specificities in two periods with distinct government political lines: the 1990s, with the adoption of policies with a neoliberal matrix, and the period from 2000 to 2014, with the enactment of progressist policies for expansion of public expense in the three Latin American States. The topics presented in the comparative analysis represent the priorities of the state action regarding education, such as the right to it, compulsory and free education, public resources aimed to education, accountability between spheres and instances of government, and public expense. Each topic was analyzed in view of the situations of maintenance, redefinition, or partial redefinition concerning the two historical periods. The most usual situation in these countries was the redefinition of compulsory education, the change for higher in the references for expense in education, as well as renegotiations in the distribution of accountability between national and subnational governments in Argentina and Brazil.

The state capacity to formulate, supervise, and implement (and in some cases to evaluate) science, technology, and innovation policy is the subject of the present work. The goal is to compare state and policy capacity in Brazil, China, and Argentina to point out comparative institutional advantages and disadvantages. One of the study's main conclusions is the existence of a structured consensus on what sectors the enterprising state should incentivize and promote, on where the frontier is located, and whether these countries are at the frontier of innovation depends on: the existence of a rearguard of institutions capable of undertaking prospective (and retrospective) studies that are effectively considered in the decision-making process; the continuous exercise of foresight or technological foresight, subject to processes of periodic revision; the capacity to take account of conflicts of interest, but equally to neutralize them when building structured consensus; and finally to count on a well-established but effective financial innovation system. Two conditions seem important as far as the governance of the modernization process is concerned: visions of the future and state capacities to implement them. What is at issue is not a continuous set of abilities or expertise but a variety of decision-making processes on long-term strategy and coordination in the development and implementation of technology policies.

This paper aims to analyze innovation pathways for stem cell technology in Argentina. Firstly, we present a theoretical perspective on the co-construction of regulation and technology development, positing four main tensions that underlie regulatory building and the shaping of national strategies for regenerative medicine. Regulation is understood as a negotiated process among interests, values, benefits, rewards, and different understandings of safety, efficacy, access and availability. The framework is useful to explore how actors and their visions of desired futures shape the creation of standards and, in turn, how they configure the way these emerging technologies are produced, accessed and used. Secondly, we discuss in detail the Argentine case. We focus on (a) the deployment of state actions on capacity and regulatory building, (b) the creation of new businesses in response to patient expectations, particularly umbilical cord stem cell banks and the supply of experimental treatments, and (c) state-led actions to build a specific regulatory framework (still in the making). Ambiguities and gaps in the current legislation as well as scarce enforcement capabilities configure a legal "grey area" for for-profit experimental treatments. Building a specific regulatory framework is understood to be a part of Science, Technology and Innovation (STI) state agencies' struggle to govern technology development in terms of national envisaged innovation strategies. Lastly, we show how STI authorities and scientists managed to align a broad coalition of actors that encourage international harmonization strategies, following the pharmaceutical model of drug evaluation based on the multi-phase trial system.

The study analyses bureaucratic capacity in Brazil's and Argentina's federal governments by applying the concept of state capacity. To capture the capacity civil servants the study investigated dimensions such as professionalization, qualification, promotion rules, and recruitment mechanisms for entering the civil service. The study shows that although both countries experienced the same trajectory in the early years of the construction of their bureaucratic systems and that access to civil service combined patronage and meritocratic patterns in the early 2000s, however, Brazilian political elites implemented a constitutional mandate determining that access to civil service was conditioned to competitive exams, making the system closer to Weber's rational-legal authority type. Argentina, in contrast, kept the selection of their civil servants based on personal and political ties. This does not mean that Argentina's bureaucracy lacks quality but they do not fulfill some of Weber's requirements such as stability and selection more based on merit rather than patronage. The study argues this difference is explained by different redemocratization agendas.

This paper aims to analyze the role of government coalitions in the formulation and implementation of a socioeconomic development model. It is a qualitative research that focuses on the extent to which the formation of coalitions to support a developmental platform is efficient in formulating and implementing sustainable public policies in the medium and long term in order to shape a national development agenda. The central hypothesis is that the development process has a direct relationship with the institutional dimension, in particular the role of the State, of government coalitions, of various public institutions (especially those that tend to coordinate interests' between the public and private sectors) and strategic actors profiles in the formulation and implementation of policies. From the interactions established between State, institutions and strategic players different styles or patterns of development are configured. "Developmental coalitions" is defined as the convergent action of different actors involved in any dynamic of growth and development (Tanaka, 2012). The "strategic actor" category includes business, organized labor and public bureaucracy. However, we focus on business and labor vis-à-vis the political field, which represents the space of articulation of interests of the different strategic actors. The methodological approach consists in the evaluation, based on stylized facts, of the turning points of the economic models (neoliberal and post-neoliberal) and the analysis of positions (statements, actions, exclusions) of strategic elites.

We propose to reflect on inclusive policies on communication/education implemented in the last years in Argentina. We will work with quantitative data about students admitted to all faculties of the Universidad Nacional de La Plata (UNLP) between 2008-2015. This national university is public, free, and implements unrestricted admission policies. Information was collected from data provided by the Centro Superior para el Procesamiento de la Información (CeSPI, Superior Center for Information Processing) of the UNLP. Two reasons justify the selection of the 2008-2015 period. The first one is linked to Law 26,606 (2006) on compulsory secondary education that came into effect in 2008 at the national level, and in the Buenos Aires province, with the approval of Provincial Education Law No. 13,688 (2007). The second reason relates to the Plan for Primary and Secondary Education Completion (FinES), launched in 2008, as a state initiative to comply with the current legislation about the obligatoriness of the secondary education. ; Aquí se propone reflexionar en torno de las políticas inclusivas en materia de comunicación/educación implementadas en los últimos años en la Argentina. En esta oportunidad, se trabajará con datos cuantitativos sobre estudiantes ingresantes de todas las facultades de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata entre 2008-2015. Esta universidad nacional es de carácter público, gratuito y de ingreso irrestricto. La información fue relevada a partir de los datos que proporcionó el Centro Superior para el Procesamiento de la Información (CeSPI) de la UNLP. El recorte temporal de los años 2008 a 2015 obedece a dos propósitos. El primero se vincula con que, en 2008, se comienza a cumplir con la obligatoriedad de la educación secundaria en el ámbito nacional, a partir de la Ley 26 606 (2006), y en la provincia de Buenos Aires, con la sanción de la Ley de Educación Provincial n.° 13 688 del 2007. El segundo indica que también en 2008 se lanza el Plan de Finalización de Estudios Primarios y Secundarios (FinES) como una iniciativa estatal para cumplir con lo señalado en la obligatoriedad de la educación secundaria consignada en la legislación vigente. ; A proposta desse trabalho é reflexionar sobre as políticas inclusivas em matéria de comunicação/educação implementadas nos últimos anos da Argentina. Nesta oportunidad, se trabajará com dados cuantitativos de estudantes ingressantes de todas as faculdades da Universidade Nacional de La Plata desde 2008-2015. Esta universidade é de caráter público, gratuito e de acesso irrestrito. A informacao foi consultada a partir dos dados proporcionados pelo Centro Superior para o Processo de Informação (CeSPI) da UNLP. O período temporal dos anos 2008 a 2015 responde a dos propósitos. O primeiro está vinculado a que, em 2008, começa a ser obrigatória a educação secundária no âmbito nacional, a partir da Lei 26.606 (2006), e na província de Buenos Aires, com a sanção da Lei de Educação Provincial N ° 13.688 de 2007. O segundo indica que também em 2008 é lançado o Plano de Finalização de Estudos Primários e Secundários (Fines), como uma medida estatal para cumprir com o indicado sobre ser obrigatório a educação secundária consignada na lei vigente.

A crise financeira não deveria chegar à América Latina, segundo a maioria dos economistas e governantes: o conjunto de indicadores de vulnerabilidade melhorou na maior parte dessas economias. No entanto, ela chegou e, à medida que os dias passam, anuncia-se cada vez mais severa. Os indicadores de vulnerabilidade, portanto, não são suficientes para estabelecer prognósticos confiáveis. É necessário combiná-los com indicadores de fragilidade mais confiáveis como a apreciação da taxa cambial, as desigualdades mais elevadas. Quanto piores forem esses indicadores, mais difícil será resistir à crise, e vice-versa. Como a crise nos países desenvolvidos adquiriu um caráter sistêmico e os indicadores de fragilidade não são muito bons, suas repercussões serão consideráveis nessas economias emergentes, apesar de indicadores de vulnerabilidade terem apresentado melhoras. ; Most economists and government leaders stated that the crisis was not going to reach Latin America; the indicators of vulnerability have improved in most of these economies. However, the crisis did reach the region and is looking increasingly severe as the days go by. The indicators of economic vulnerability alone cannot, therefore, establish reliable forecasts. More reliable indicators such as exchange rate appreciation and other high inequalities must also be taken into account. The worse these indicators are, the more difficult it is not to fall into the crisis, and vice-versa. In developed countries, the crisis has taken on a systematic character and the signs of fragility are worrying. Therefore, despite an improvement in the indicators of economic vulnerability, the crisis will have significant repercussions in emerging economies.

Este artículo analiza el Programa Libros y Casas, del Ministerio de Cultura de Argentina. El proyecto se propone a democratizar y fomentar la lectura, además de preparar mediadores, divulgar escritores y debatir temas nacionales. La iniciativa comprende la entrega de una biblioteca dotada de cinco categorías de libros para familias con bajas posibilidades de acceso a los bienes culturales. En este análisis, se comenta una de las categorías del Programa, "Literatura para chicos", y, específicamente, la compilación de 37 poemas, titulada Animales rimados y no tanto. Ricamente ilustrada, la obra elije poemas que tematizan la conocida relación de afecto existente entre niños y animales, con textos de los principales poetas argentinos de las últimas décadas. A la par de la discusión sobre el Programa y la referida edición, se plantea el rol de la poesía para la infancia, subrayándose: a) las políticas públicas como una forma de promoción lectora y b) el papel de la familia en proyectos no formales de lectura.