Suchergebnisse

Članak razmatra istoriju arheološkog istraživanja kolektivnog identiteta u prošlosti. Kulturnoistorijski pristup oslanja se punom težinom na koncept kulturne grupe, presudno obeležen modernim shvatanjima nacionalne države jedinstva teritorije, materijalne kulture, jezika i etničke pripadnosti. Primena ovog koncepta dovela je do drastičnih političkih zloupotreba, od kojih je najpoznatiji primer Gustava Kosine u nacističkoj Nemačkoj. Uviđanje da sama suština tako shvaćenog kolektivnog identiteta zajednica u prošlosti neminovno vodi u projekciju modernog modela nacionalne države, dovelo je do korenitog preispitivanja. Tako arheolozi poslednjih decenija istražuju druge puteve posmatranja kolektivnog i individualnog identiteta u prošlosti zasnovane na konstruktivističkom pristupu. ; The paper examines the history of archaeological investigation into collective identities in the past. Culture-historical approaches fully based upon the concept of cultural group, deeply influenced by the modern understanding of nation-states - unity of territory, material culture language and ethnic affiliation. The application of this concept led to devastating political abuses of archaeology, most notoriously in the case of Gustaf Kossinna in the Nazi Germany. The realisation that the very essence of thus conceived group identity in the past inevidably leads into the projection of the modern model of nation-state, resulted in thorough reconsideration. Over the last decades, archaeologists are investigating other possible paths of research into the group and individual identities in the past, informed by the constractivist approach.

Tradicionalni koncept romanizacije umnogome je uticao na formiranje metodologije istraživanja rimskih spomenika u Evropi. Za formiranje osnovnih načela koncepta zaslužan je nemački istoričar i epigrafičar Teodor Momzen koji u svojoj knjizi Istorija Rima po prvi put definiše odnose između rimske 'civilizacije' i lokalnih zajednica. Momzen pretpostavlja proces u kojem prilikom sudara različitih, kulturno politički i ekonomski asimetričnih zajednica neminovno dolazi do asimilovanja one strane koja je inferiorna u svakom smislu, a to su po pravilu lokalne zajednice. Kroz usvajanje jezika, pisma, običaja i materijalne kulture, lokalne zajednice postaju više rimske, odnosno romanizuju se. Ovakva postavka paradigme iz osnova je izmenila način na koji su se do tada istraživači bavili rimskom prošlošću. Sve do Momzena i njegovih akademskih naslednika, rimska materijalna kultura sagledavana je kroz njenu umetničku vrednost ili kroz značaj za rekonstrukciju važnih istorijskih događaja. Uvođenjem koncepta romanizacije, istraživači su po prvi put mogli da materijalnu kulturu posmatraju u kontekstima svakodnevnih društvenih događaja. Iako prilično rudimentaran i ograničen, ovakav koncept je obeležio istraživanja rimske arheologije kroz čitav 20. vek. U vreme kada se Momzenove ideje prihvataju i razrađuju u Zapadnoj Evropi, na Balkanu se formiraju arheološke discipline, školuju se prvi arheolozi i započinju prva moderna arheološka istraživanja. Ovaj rad se bavi ispitivanjem uticaja koje su te ideje mogle imati na formiranje rimske arheologije u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji, koje se u tom trenutku nalaze u prilično različitim političkim kontekstima. ; The traditional concept of Romanization has heavily influenced the methodology of research of the Roman monuments in Europe. The basic principles of the concept have been laid out by Theodor Mommsen, the German historian and an expert in epigraphy, who was the first to define the relationships between the Roman 'civilization' and the local populations in his book The History of Rome. Mommsen presents a process in which two different political, economic and technological communities meet, and the inferior one is inevitably assimilated. Through the adoption of language, script, customs and material culture, the local communities become more Roman, i.e. they are romanized. This paradigm framework has fundamentally changed the way in which the researchers approach the Roman past. This was the first time that the material culture was explained inside archaeology as the discipline associated to history. The introduction of the concept of Romanization enabled the scholars to analyze the material culture in the context of everyday activities, regardless of their artistic value. Although this concept is a largely simplified view of the past, it has marked the Roman archaeology throughout the 20th century. At the moment when Mommsen's ideas are accepted and elaborated in Western Europe, the discipline of archaeology is formed in the Balkans, the first researchers are trained and the first modern archaeological researches are launched. The paper analyses the influence of his ideas upon the formation of Classical archaeology in Croatia and Serbia, two significantly different political contexts.

U radu je iznet predistorijat, sumirane su razvojne faze, precizno je definisan geografski i hronološki raspon i razrešeni osnovni terminološko-sadržajni elementi biblijske arheologije. Ukazano je na bazičnu teoretsku problematiku i glavne pristupe. Ponuđena je definicija biblijske arheologije, proširena je njena unutrašnja podela i ustanovljeno klasifikaciono mesto u okviru generalne arheologije. ; Modern Biblical archeology is primarily a study of the material remains (including written sources) and associated context, directly or indirectly linked with the examination of the period and locations potentially treated by the Hebrew Bible, in the light of the Near Eastern cultural continuity in whole. Its main scope is Israelite culture, taking into consideration terminal Canaanite culture as well, framed by the neighboring contemporaries. There were/are three main approaches to Biblical archeology. The first and the most dogmatic is the 'arm chair' approach, termed apologetic, the second is so-called 'Albrigh school' which perhaps can be termed acegetic, and the third is the secular branch of Biblical archeology. Modern Biblical archeology has mostly overcome its dogmatic theological background, but still in minor segments seems to be threatened by some current political aspects. The terms Biblical archeology and Syro-Palcstinian archeology are hardly interchangeable. Biblical archeology is rather a chronologically and thematically limited component of Syro-Palestinian archeology, which itself is a branch of Near Eastern archeology, which in turn is a chapter of general archeology. Terms 'Archaeology of the Bible' or 'Archaeology of the Biblical Period/Lands' do not offer and particular terminological improvement. Since the term Bible has different connotation for Jews and Christians, it should be noticed that the main frame of Biblical archeology is established by the Hebrew Bible (the same text is encompassed by Orthodox Christian and Protestant Old Testament). Confusion can also be caused by the different canon, which makes the lower chronological limits of the Roman Catholic Old Testament different from the Orthodox Christian/Protestant version. A nominal chronological span of Biblical archeology might thus theoretically be from 'the beginning' to the second return of Nehemiah to Jerusalem 432/425 BC. Even if the tendency of few authors (cf. Mazar 1990:143-144) to interpret some parts of the Book of Genesis as an echo of the Early Bronze Age is generally considered highly hypothetical, the beginning of Genesis should perhaps be freely archaeologically understood as a remote symbolic Iraec of the foundation of the first societies, i.e. mythicized collective recollection of the formation of the first complex communities, animal and plant domestication and seventies. However, a practical time span of Biblical archeology is approximately from the Late Bronze Age IIB to Iron Age IIC (ca. 1300-586 BC). Central Palestine provides the geographic focus of Biblical archeology. The period encompassed by the New Testament, clearly falls under the scope of Classic archeology, or alternatively the 'Archaeology of the New Testament'.

The purpose of this paper is not to shed a measure of light on Greek, but rather on Roman stonemasonry, and the latter only within the context of the production of funerary monuments in Dalmatia. The first funerary monuments in Dalmatia were stelai. A particular kind of simple, architectural stele developed in Greek towns. Something seen most commonly in Narona, as well as in Salona and elsewhere on occasion, is that the Greek type of stele was accepted before there was any strong influence from Italy. These stelai obviously belonged to wealthy families, which commissioned burial monuments that would cost an entire fortune on their own. Accompanying the soldiers that served in Dalmatia, who were stationed in legion camps (Burnum and Tilurium) at the start of the 1st century, came monumental and richly decorated monuments, which often featured military symbolism and tools. The sarcophagus began its life in Dalmatia around the middle of the 2nd century, except for isolated examples from the 1st century. The largest source of locally made sarcophagi matches a period within the 3rd century, when the standard became the three-piece front face (a central inscription field with two empty fields on its sides or a tabula for reliefs, usually in the form of erotes with a reversed torch). Military inscriptions regarding the quarries at Trogir and on Brač are clear evidence that the trade was not in the hands of private enterprise. Soldiers were not available to other private and civil institutions, as they were paid directly by the emperor, and were thus tasked with jobs that they were trained to do in the army. This is why none of these city-like settlements had an actual civil government with municipal functionaries.

Istraživanje je provedeno tijekom 2016. godine, a cilj je bio snimanjem iz zrakoplova, u drugoj polovici lipnja, otkriti nove arheološke lokalitete na području istočne Slavonije te vidjeti kako se u tom razdoblju vide već poznati lokaliteti. Snimalo se dronom u svim godišnjim dobima kako bi vidjeli je li moguće prepoznavati lokalitete u različitim uvjetima i kako ti uvjeti utječu na vidljivost poznatih lokaliteta. Prepoznato je 50-ak novih lokaliteta. ; The basis of the research was a comparative image study of 4 cyclic photogrammetric surveys made by Republic of Croatia State Geodetic Administration from 1997 to 2015. Satellite imagery and Internet geographic services, such as Google Earth, Bing maps, Croatian Internet geodetic and agricultural map services, were also extensively used in this research. Spatial analysis of aerial images was combined with Internet historical map and image. A valuable resource is also the digitalized vertical images originated before 1968, available since 2015 (Produced by Military Geographical Institute, Belgrade). Sites were selected according to the results of the above mentioned analysis, to conduct of aircraft photographic surveys in 2013 to 2016. UAVs have been used to record target areas and sites, which significantly increased the number of newly discovered sites. The satellite imagery and aerial photography data were compared with results of the systematic field survey. Consequently, more than 200 (new 50 in 2016) archaeological sites were identified throughout the area.

Kashima city is best known for having the oldest martial arts schools in Japan. While some of its martial arts schools, such as the Kashima Shinryū, were officially established in the latter half of the medieval period, there was already a long tradition of martial arts in Kashima region since the Kofun period (the fourth to the seventh centuries AD). This paper focuses on archaeological remains and the landscape around the Kashima Grand Shrine, to clarify the significance and influence of the Kashima Grand Shrine in managing the eastern part of the territory of ancient Japan. This paper examines some characteristics of the region, such as its coastal location that enabled the transportation of materials and soldiers. Another specific aspect of the place could be the advanced metal production evident in the giant sword of the Kashima Grand Shrine made in the early ancient period. Ancient workshops for metallurgy were found at the former local government office in Hitachi-no-kuni, the area of today's Ibaraki Prefecture. It thus seems no coincidence that Kashima was chosen as a kind of military base. The archaeological findings that have been made in this location provide many reasons why the lineages of various martial arts schools, including the Kashima Shinryū, derived from this city, which led to the formation of later bushi groups in the medieval period of eastern Japan. ; Mesto Kashima je znano po najstarejših šolah borilnih veščin na Japonskem. Nekatere šole borilnih veščin, kot je Kashima Shinryū, so ustanovili šele proti koncu srednjeveškega obdobja, vendar v kašimski regiji tradicija borilnih veščin sega vse do obdobja Kofun (od četrtega do sedmega stoletja našega štetja). Prispevek obravnava arheološke ostanke in pokrajino z glavnim svetiščem Kashima v središču in pojasnjuje vpliv tega svetišča na upravljanje vzhodnega ozemlja antične Japonske. Opozori tudi na nekatere značilnosti regije, na primer na bližino obale, kar je omogočalo prevoz materiala in vojakov. Še ena pomembna značilnost tega prostora je napredna kovinarska proizvodnja, ki se med drugim kaže v velikanskem meču velikega svetišča Kashima iz zgodnjega antičnega obdobja. Starodavne delavnice za metalurgijo so našli v nekdanjih uradih lokalnih vlad v Hitachi-no-kuni na območju današnje prefekture Ibaraki – zato verjetno ni naključje, da je bila Kashima izbrana za vojaško bazo. Arheološke najdbe s tega območja ponujajo odgovore na številna vprašanja, na primer zakaj so prav v tem mestu nastale različne šole borilnih veščin, vključno s Kashima Shinryū, kar je pripeljalo do nastanka poznejših skupin bushijev v srednjeveškem obdobju na vzhodu Japonske.

Tradicionalne rasprave o analoškom mišljenju koje je u osnovi svih znanja o prošlosti zasnivale su se na naučno-metodološkom postulatu o težnji za povećanjem kontrole uslova koji utiču na istraživačku situaciju, odnosno na premetodološkom konsenzusu o potrebi za objektifikacijom, depersonalizacijom i regulacijom istraživanja. Ostajući privržena nasleđenim idealima objektivne društvene nauke arheološka diskusija o analogiji bila je decenijama fokusirana isključivo na logičko-epistemološke probleme opšte metodologije ali je, zapravo, doprinela vrlo malo prevazilaženju činjenice da prošlost nije objektivno saznatljiva. Uvodeći pojam refleksivnost u diskusiju o analoškoj prirodi arheološkog mišljenja, cilj mi je da rekontekstualizujem debatu o analogiji koja teži pozitivističkim idealima jedne drustvene nauke u debatu o arheologiji kao društvenoj praksi koja neminovno i kontinuirano uspostavlja analogiju između prošlosti i sadašnjosti i tako uspostavlja značenja sveta u kome živimo. Promišljanje arheoloških analogija pojmovnim aparatom razvijenim u antropološkim i sociološkim debatama o refleksivnosti stvara jednu novu istraživačku perspektivu u kojoj upotreba analogija izlazi iz domena rasprava o logičkoj doslednosti i postaje društvena praksa svesna značenjskih, a otuda i političkim implikacija znanja koje proizvodi. ; Traditional debates on analogical thinking, which is at the root of all knowledge about the past, were founded on the scientific-methodological postulate of the striving for increased control of conditions that affect the research situation, that is, the pre-methodological consensus on the need for objectifying, depersonalizing and regulating research. Faithful to the inherited ideals of objective social science, the archaeological discussion on analogy has for decades focused exclusively on logical-epistemological issues of general methodology; however, it has actually contributed very little to overcoming the fact that the past is not objectively knowable. By introducing the concept of reflexivity into the debate on the analogical character of archaeological thinking, the paper aims to recontextualize the analogy debate which aspires to the positivist ideals of a social science, into a debate on archaeology as a social practice which inevitably and continually draws analogies between the past and the present and thus establishes the meanings of the world we live in. Rethinking archaeological analogies by means of a conceptual apparatus developed in anthropological and sociological debates on reflexivity provides a new research perspective in which the use of analogies moves beyond the sphere of debates on logical consistency and becomes a social practice aware of the semantic and hence also political implications of the knowledge it produces.

The unpublished remains of marble crustae from late Antique Milan are here presented. They covered the walls of two buildings of imperial commission in Milan: the Imperial Mausoleum and the Basilica of San Lorenzo (4th–5th C. AD). The comparison between the two buildings allows the formulation of hypotheses on the supply, reuse and use of this type of decoration for two buildings that were designed less than one century apart, but in two definitely different political contexts.