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The interaction of oil exports from the Middle East in the 1970s with arms imports to this region has drawn attention from several researchers. The existing literature, however, is seriously flawed for it ignores the large corporate players whose actions synchronize the two flows of income and, thus fails to identify the significance of these corporations for the political economy of armaments. This present paper is the first of a series of four essays that attempt to relate the dynamics of market structures to the escalation of military sales. Here we briefly asses some neo-Marxist and institutional writings that offer insight into the subject of relevant issues. We find them deficient and perhaps outdated in some respects.

The interaction of oil exports from the Middle East in the 1970s with arms imports to this region has drawn attention from several researchers. The existing literature, however, is seriously flawed for it ignores the large corporate players whose actions synchronize the two flows of income and, thus fails to identify the significance of these corporations for the political economy of armaments. This present paper is the first of a series of four essays that attempt to relate the dynamics of market structures to the escalation of military sales. Here we briefly asses some neo-Marxist and institutional writings that offer insight into the subject of relevant issues. We find them deficient and perhaps outdated in some respects.

The present essay is the second in a series of four papers in which examine the political economy of armaments in recent decades. In this paper we focus on the 'armament core' of large military producers which recently emerged as a powerful bloc within the big economy of the United States. The rise of this core was heightened by a gradual shift of large civilian companies toward the armament business. We argue that the decline of large U.S.-based corporations in civilian world markets since the late 1960s was both a stimulus to and a partial consequence of the increasing involvement with better investment opportunities in government-related activity, especially military production. The increasing significance of international developments inhibits the earlier effectiveness of the U.S. government in assisting corporations based in the United States with its own military spending.

The present essay is the second in a series of four papers in which examine the political economy of armaments in recent decades. In this paper we focus on the 'armament core' of large military producers which recently emerged as a powerful bloc within the big economy of the United States. The rise of this core was heightened by a gradual shift of large civilian companies toward the armament business. We argue that the decline of large U.S.-based corporations in civilian world markets since the late 1960s was both a stimulus to and a partial consequence of the increasing involvement with better investment opportunities in government-related activity, especially military production. The increasing significance of international developments inhibits the earlier effectiveness of the U.S. government in assisting corporations based in the United States with its own military spending.

International audience ; The links between war and the economy are historically close, both being, in turn, ends and means. In some case, civil or military war are prerequisites for economic development and a factor of economic power. In other case, it is a burden and an incitation for war. Economic warfare can also aim at weakening the military power of a state. There are two objectives to economic warfare: to coerce the enemy and to dominate the partners. The nature of "war" has changed, it is not the main concern of today's societies, but it is a recurrent threat. It no longer puts battalions on a battlefield. It is becoming diffuse, based on political and economic variables. ; Les liens entre la guerre et l'économie sont historiquement étroits, les deux étant, à leur tour, des fins et des moyens. Dans certains cas, la guerre civile ou militaire est une condition préalable au développement économique et un facteur de puissance économique. Dans d'autres cas, elle constitue un fardeau et une incitation à la guerre. La guerre économique peut également viser à affaiblir la puissance militaire d'un État, soit dans une situation de guerre (blocus), soit dans une situation de paix relative est souvent recherchée. La guerre économique a deux objectifs : contraindre l'ennemi et dominer les partenaires. La nature de la "guerre" a changé, elle n'est plus la préoccupation principale des sociétés actuelles, mais elle est une menace récurrente. Elle ne met plus des bataillons sur un champ de bataille. Elle devient diffuse, basée sur des variables politiques et économiques.