Suchergebnisse

В статье рассматривается участие армян в советско-японской военной кампании 1945 г., которая стала логическим продолжением Великой Отечественной войны и завершающим этапом Второй мировой войны. В статье используются архивные материалы, приводится описание военных действий в эту историческую эпоху. ; The Armenians actively participated in the final battle actions of the World War II. The names of commanders of the 12th Air Army: Marshal of Air Forces S. A. Khudiakov / A. A. Khanperiants/, commander of artillery of the 2nd Far East Front Lieutenant-General M. A. Parseghof, Member of the Military Council of the 6th Guards Tank Army Lieutenant-General G. K. Tumanyan, Chief of the Air Defense service of the 2nd Far East Front Major-General G. Kh. Chaliakian, Deputy commander of the 10th Air Army Major-General G. M. Tolmadjev, Chief of the Operative Section, Deputy Chief of the Pacific Fleet, Captain of the 1st Rank V. O. Surabekov, Commander of the Shooting Division Colonel K. A. Lazarev, Hero of the Soviet Union Major-General A. A. Kazaryan, Commander of the Cavalry Division, Guards Major-General T. V. Dedeoglyan and the names of many others went down in history of the World War II and they will be written in gold. The article is based on archival documents and official records and it offers descriptions of military actions of the epoch.

On August 8, 2012 president of the Republic of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan and president of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin agreed to commission their ministers to consider possibility of a closer involvement of Armenia in the processes of Eurasian integration between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. It is well known that on January 1, 2014 these countries plan to declare about the creation of the Eurasian Union. We also remember that before this meeting the Armenian politicians repeatedly stated that the main obstacle to the full-fledged participation of Armenia in that Customs Union is the absence of the land frontier with it. In response to this argument, which was sounded behind the scenes of the aforementioned Moscow meeting, one of the Russian observers stated that in case with Armenia the same advantages and preferences as in case with Kaliningrad Region could be used. However, discussion of the prospects of involvement of Armenia in the process of Eurasian integration began and the Moscow meeting triggered public discussion in our country. Studying attentively information on this discussions, statements of state figures and politicians, we would like to make first conclusions on the main directions of these discussions and main questions, the answers to which the society should get in order to form comprehensive opinion concerning these processes.

Armenian foreign policy showed how small states can also be source of instability in their regions if they became a part of the regional power struggle and if they are supported by one of the major regional power. With the existence of Diaspora in various countries, Armenia could follow multi dimensional foreign policy and become important country for the transportation of regional energy resources. However the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Armenia s irredentist policy regarding the conflict and its relations with the neighbors did not allow Armenia to strengthen its sovereignty and to have constructive relations with its neighbors. In this article Armenia s policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Armenia's relations with its neighbors and particularly its relations with Russia and Turkey will be analyzed. ; Ermeni dış politikası küçük devletlerin bölgesel güç mücadelelerine taraf olmaları ve bölgesel güçlerden biri tarafından desteklendiklerinde nasıl o bölgelerde istikrarsızlık kaynağı olabileceklerini açıkça göstermektedir. Birçok farklı ülkede diasporaya sahip olduğundan Ermenistan çok yönlü bir dış politika izleyebilecek ve bölgesel enerji kaynaklarının iletilmesi açısından önemli bir ülke konumuna gelebilecekti. Ancak Dağlık Karabağ ihtilafı, Ermenistan 'ın bu çatışmada ayrılıkçılığı destekleyen konumu ve komlu ülkeler ile ilişkileri, Ermenistan'a egemenliğini güçlendirme ve komşuları ile yapıcı ilişkiler kurmasını engellemiştir. Bu makalede Ermenistan'ın Dağlık Karabağ ihtilafına yönelik politikası komşuları ve özellikle Rusya ve Türkiye ile ilişkileri değerlendirilecektir.

Лизинг выгоден всем: лизингодатели получают доход от ведения такой предпринимательской деятельности, лизингополучатели возможность модернизировать свои основные фонды еще раньше, чем произведут за них оплату, а государство доход в виде налоговых платежей. Нарушение баланса интересов делает лизин невыгодным одной из сторон, а, значит, нецелесообразным в принципе. В российском законодательстве ради соблюдения баланса интересов всех сторон при уплате налога на прибыль предусмотрена ускоренная амортизация для основных средств, являющихся предметом лизинга. В законодательстве Армении соответствующая норма отсутствует. Автор статьи убедительно доказывает, что введение такой нормы способствовало бы развитию лизингового рыка в Армении. ; Leasing is beneficial to all lessors receive their income from conducting such business activities, lessees get an opportunity to upgrade their fixed assets even before they pay for them and the state benefits in the form of income tax payments. Violation of the balance of interests makes leasing unprofitable for one of the parties and therefore inappropriate in principle. The Russian legislation, for the sake of balancing the interests of all the parties, provides accelerated depreciation for fixed assets that are leased upon the payment of income tax. In the Armenian legislation the corresponding norm is missing. The author clearly shows that introduction of such a rule would facilitate the development of the leasing market in Armenia.

В начале августа 2009г., когда мир вспоминал про так называемую Пятидневнуювойну на Кавказе и ее правовые и стратегические последствия, появились новыеподходы и по карабахскому конфликту. Эти новые тенденции представляют ог-ромный интерес для корректного понимания (анализа) текущих процессов во-круг Нагорно-Карабахской Республики и – шире – в науках о политике и праве,которые в конечном счете решают вполне конкретную задачу: постконфликтное«миростроительство» в измученной войной зоне. Исследуемый феномен миро-творчества находится на стыке политологической, военной и правовой наук иимеет различные подходы в российских, европейских и американских исследова-ниях. К сожалению, данное направление науки не очень развито в Армении, хотяего прикладная значимость в процессе мирного урегулирования конфликта вНагорно-Карабахской де факто Республике более чем очевидна. Именно поэтомунаучные обобщения и мнения, приводимые в работе, принадлежат иностраннымавторам и признанным профессионалам в теории миротворчества. ; Mediators' activities over peaceful resolution of the conflict around Nagorno-Karabakh, which from the perspectives of international law would be properly labeledas an "unresolved problem of legality of de-facto independent sovereignty",have recently attained more practical orientation. In their statements, parties involvedin negotiation process, are repeatedly talking about returning territoriesaround NKAO, which are currently under control of Armenian military forces. Andthe next step, according to the mediators, is a deployment of peacekeeping forcesaround Nagorno-Karabakh.

SummaryThis article examines Western department stores active in Istanbul between 1889 and 1921. It explores two aspects crucial for the department stores' retail system: location and personnel. It goes on to demonstrate that Western department stores were situated not only in the Western districts of the city but also in traditional areas, such as the bazaar district. Rather than being exclusive they appear to have been closely connected with local business and aimed to appeal to the ethnically highly mixed customer pool. Equally, the workforce was heterogeneous, with the majority of local employees having diverse ethnic backgrounds, including Greek, Jewish, and Armenian, though rarely Muslim. Based on a large-scale sample drawn from the address registers of the Annuaire Oriental yearbook, the analysis of personal letters, and on Ottoman daily newspaper and journals, this study sheds light on the individuals who worked at a number of department stores, their ethnic composition, sex ratio, duration of employment, the job types they carried out, as well as their income situation, career paths, and domiciles. It hopes to contribute to the labour history of the late Ottoman Empire by exploring, for the first time, the employees of Western department stores, workers who have rarely attracted the attention of scholars so far.

AbstractLiterary narratives offer their audience opportunities to surpass existing monolithic social and cultural identities through reflecting on and representing the past from new perspectives. This article aims to elaborate this argument by a discussion of multi-ethnicity, multiculturalism, reflective nostalgia, and cultural intimacy in the portrayals of Diyarbakir's "Infidel Quarter" in two literary works: Mıgırdiç Margosyan's Gavur Mahallesi and Mehmed Uzun's Nar Çiçekleri. Both works, the former as a short story collection and the latter as a collection of essays, share autobiographical features and reflect the multiculturalism of Diyarbakır in the 1940s and 1950s from the point of view of an Armenian and a Kurd with similar sensitivities. Margosyan and Uzun's works indicate a cultural pluralism in Diyarbakır where different religious cultures used to exist side by side. The intermingling of languages in this neighborhood shows a kind of "inclusive multiculturalism." Svetlana Boym's differentiation and discussion of two kinds of nostalgia as restorative and reflective, the former as nationalist and the latter as individual or collective memory oriented, help us to evaluate Margosyan and Uzun's works as alternatives to nationalist narratives. Both of these works, dealing with reflective nostalgia through the depiction of cultural intimacy between ethnic groups, provide their audience with possibilities for the future.

В статье представлен социологический анализ имиджей некоторых видных политических лидеров Армении: Роберта Кочаряна, Степана Демирчяна, Арта- шеса Гегамяна и Арама Карапетяна, которые принимали участие в выборах 2003 года. Анализ политической рекламы позволил выявить, какой имидж кон- струировался тем или иным политиком, какие символы использовались при этом, насколько эффективным был процесс самопрезентации политических лидеров с точки зрения соответствия имиджа социальным ожиданиям избира- телей и его конгруэнтности текущей социально-политической ситуации. Было изучено, какие стереотипы и представления относительно личностей полити- ческих лидеров существовали в общественном сознании в предвыборный пе- риод, позитивные и негативные характеристики политических лидеров со стороны избирателей. ; In the article is presented sociological analysis of image of a number of Armenian political leaders who ran for the post of president in 2003. The analysis of political advertising allowed revealing what kind of policy was adopted by this or that politician, which symbols were being used at the same time, how effective was the process of the political leaders' self-presentation from the standpoint of its conformity with the electors' social expectations and its congruence in the current social-political situation. It was studied which stereotypes and ideas, referring to the political leaders' individuality, existed in public consciousness at preelection period, positive and negative characteristics of political leaders by the electors.

This study argues that due to a lack of attention paid to the national interest of actors in international politics the mainstream international conflict resolution studies fail in their prescriptive & descriptive aspects; particularly when conflicts are complicated by geopolitics. The case study of the long-standing conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is used to highlight the strengths of geopolitical analysis, aimed at a proper understanding of a conflict's causes & the identities & interests of the actors directly & indirectly involved. This understanding is a prerequisite for coordinated international action directed towards the creation of the structural conditions for peace which would lead the prime actors of the conflict to choose peaceful resolution as a means to escape the hurting stalemate situation. In the case of Nagorno-Karabakh -- a conflict whose resolution has been impeded mainly by Azerbaijani & Armenian ethnic nationalism, coupled with fierce competition between the major powers in Central Eurasia -- a geopolitical analysis leads to the conclusion that the key to the resolution of the conflict lies in the hands of Russia. Such a resolution therefore presupposes a redefinition of Russia's interests, which would be based on the rational calculation that a deliberate destabilization of the South Caucasus will, in long term, hurt her interests. Adapted from the source document.

The granting of autonomous status to minority populations has gained support among academics and practitioners alike as a way to solve, manage, and even preempt ethnic conflict. In spite of the enthusiasm for ethnofederalism, however, the provision of autonomy to minorities may actually increase rather than decrease the likelihood of conflict. Under certain political conditions, autonomy promotes the separate identity of the minority and increases its motivation and capacity to seek separation from the central state. This article presents a rudimentary theoretical framework identifying which qualities of autonomy solutions increase the likelihood of conflict. It discusses how autonomy relates to other factors conducive to conflict by studying minorities in the South Caucasus and examines the case of Georgia. In Georgia, there were five ethnic minority populations, two of whom—the Abkhaz and the South Ossetians—enjoyed autonomous status and were the only minorities to engage in armed conflict with the Georgian government. This article shows how autonomy, by empowering ethnic elites with control of statelike institutions and by enhancing factors such as leadership, economic viability, and external support, played a crucial role in the escalation of the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Conversely, the absence of autonomy mitigated separatist and secessionist sentiments among two of Georgia's other minority groups—Javakheti's Armenian and Kvemo Kartli's Azeri populations.

The first American contacts with the Near East resulted from the new nation's need for profitable foreign commerce. Loss of ships to Mediterranean pirates brought the founding of the navy and a war with Tripoli; hopes for the expansion of trade led in 1830 to a commercial treaty with the Ottoman Empire. But these commercial hopes were largely disappointed : over the next hundred years the rela tive importance of the Levant trade diminished; more signifi cant than the export of American products was that of mis sionary benevolence and of modernizing skills. Nevertheless, the commercial and evangelical connection gave rise to a con tinuing, if marginal, public and private interest in the region, as did the American concern for the principles of independence and self-determination. The results were paradoxical, as popular sympathy and the efforts of individuals worked both to uphold the Ottoman Empire against European pressures and to support minorities resistant to Ottoman rule. At times, as during the Greek war for independence, this support of minorities ran against commercial interests; at times, as in the Armenian question, it threatened political involvement; by the mid-twentieth century, with the increased impor tance of oil and the establishment of the State of Israel, both consequences were apparent.

ACCESS: May only be used at the Armenian Research Center ; please call 313 593-5181 for Center hours. ; v. 1. General correspondence, 1879-1905, Abyssinia-Chile -- v. 2. General correspondence, 1879-1905, China-Italy -- v. 3. General correspondence, 1879-1905, Japan-Saxony -- v. 4. General correspondence, 1879-1905, Serbia-Zanzibar and supplement -- v. 5. Various classes, 1879-1913 -- v. 6. Embassy and consular archives, 1879-1913, Abyssinia-China -- v. 7. Embassy and consular archives, 1879-1913, Colombia-Portugal -- v. 8. Embassy and consular archives, 1879-1913, Roumania-Venezuela -- v. 9. General correspondence (except political), 1914-1938 -- v. 10. General correspondence (political), 1914-1929 -- v. 11. General correspondence (political), 1930-1938 -- v. 12. Various classes, 1914-1938 -- v. 13. Embassy and consular archives, 1914-1938, Abyssinia-Chile -- v. 14. Embassy and consular archives, 1914-1938, China -- v. 15. Embassy and consular archives, 1914-1938, Colombia-Estonia -- v. 16. Embassy and consular archives, 1914-1938, Finland-Morocco -- v. 17. Embassy and consular archives, 1914-1938, Nepal-Yugoslavia -- v. 18. General correspondence (political), 1939-1940 -- v. 19. General correspondence (political), 1941-1942 -- v. 20. General correspondence (political), 1943 -- v. 21 General correspondence (political), 1944 -- v. 22. General correspondence (political), 1945 -- v. 23. Confidential print and numerical series, 1829-1915. ; Mode of access: Internet.