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TIPS (or Troops Information and Education Section) "The Battle for an Armistice" is a military publication that chronicles the Korean War and the armistice negotiations up until the start of 1952. It includes photographs and maps, and concludes with a question and answer section. ; complete;

Natalie's Ramonda, a symbol of Armistice Day - November 11 in Serbia, is a new memorial symbol constructed and promoted by politicians in 2012. The Armistice Day was celebrated then as a national holiday in Serbia. The reception of this symbol has been explored over a five-year period, both in a public discourse and on a representative sample of first year students at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade. In public discourse, as well as among students of the Faculty of Philosophy, Natalie's Ramonda is perceived as an emblem, a badge, and most often as a symbol. It was seen as an emblem on the lapel of public and media figures, inaccessible to broad commercial promotion and sales. In public discourse and among students at the Faculty of Philosophy, Natalie's Ramonda was perceived in several answers as a medal, and is also recognized as a flower that symbolizes the suffering of the Serbian people in World War One; symbol of the nation's rebirth - the flower phoenix, as a mark of peace and freedom. As a newly constructed symbol of the Armistice Day in Serbia, for the past seven years, Natalie's Ramonda has been a mediator in the public culture of remembrance and in the ongoing process, by becoming a part of cultural memory.

This was first published in 50 American Journal of International Law 880 (1956)

"Reprinted from the Annals of the American academy of political and social science, Philadelphia, March, 1921. Publication no. 1500." ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Presented at the 345th meeting of the American institute of electrical engineers, New York, January 10, 1919." ; Mode of access: Internet.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/americania/article/view/4362 ; Este trabajo tiene por objeto examinar, con motivo de la conmemoración del Bicentenario de la Independencia, los efectos del armisticio de Trujillo firmado en noviembre de 1820 entre el gobierno español y el gobierno republicano, y observar en detalle las diligencias de delimitación de territorios y las consecuencias derivadas de la reanudación anticipada de hostilidades en las provincias de Venezuela. Si bien durante esta fase de tregua no fue posible adelantar las negociaciones de paz, es importante precisar que se generó un ambiente de distensión propiciado por la firma del tratado de regularización de la guerra que significó un punto de inflexión en medio de una lucha cruenta y prolongada de más de una década. A fin de cuentas, mientras las fuerzas españolas se debilitaron, los republicanos consolidaron su ejército y apoyo social con lo cual lograron en los meses siguientes la liberación de Caracas. Este tratado de suspensión de hostilidades sirvió como precedente humanitario y como referente para otras vías de conciliación posteriores, como por ejemplo las capitulaciones de las plazas de Maracaibo y Puerto Cabello. ; The purpose of this work is to examine, on the occasion of the commemoration of the Bicentennial of Independence, the effects of the Trujillo armistice signed in November 1820 between the Spanish government and the republican government, and to observe in detail the proceedings of delimitation of territories and consequences derived from the early resumption of hostilities in the provinces of Venezuela. Although during this truce phase it was not possible to advance the peace negotiations, it is important to point out that an atmosphere of distension generated by the signing of the war regularization treaty was created, which meant a turning point in the middle of a bloody struggle and prolonged over a decade. After all, while the Spanish forces weaken, the Republicans consolidate their army and social support with what they achieve in the months following the liberation of Caracas. This treaty to suspend hostilities served as a humanitarian precedent and as a reference for other later conciliation channels, such as the capitulations of the Maracaibo and Puerto Cabello squares. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

The purpose of this work is to examine, on the occasion of the commemoration of the Bicentennial of Independence, the effects of the Trujillo armistice signed in November 1820 between the Spanish government and the republican government, and to observe in detail the proceedings of delimitation of territories and consequences derived from the early resumption of hostilities in the provinces of Venezuela. Although during this truce phase it was not possible to advance the peace negotiations, it is important to point out that an atmosphere of distension generated by the signing of the war regularization treaty was created, which meant a turning point in the middle of a bloody struggle and prolonged over a decade. After all, while the Spanish forces weaken, the Republicans consolidate their army and social support with what they achieve in the months following the liberation of Caracas. This treaty to suspend hostilities served as a humanitarian precedent and as a reference for other later conciliation channels, such as the capitulations of the Maracaibo and Puerto Cabello squares. ; Este trabajo tiene por objeto examinar, con motivo de la conmemoración del Bicentenario de la Independencia, los efectos del armisticio de Trujillo firmado en noviembre de 1820 entre el gobierno español y el gobierno republicano, y observar en detalle las diligencias de delimitación de territorios y las consecuencias derivadas de la reanudación anticipada de hostilidades en las provincias de Venezuela. Si bien durante esta fase de tregua no fue posible adelantar las negociaciones de paz, es importante precisar que se generó un ambiente de distensión propiciado por la firma del tratado de regularización de la guerra que significó un punto de inflexión en medio de una lucha cruenta y prolongada de más de una década. A fin de cuentas, mientras las fuerzas españolas se debilitaron, los republicanos consolidaron su ejército y apoyo social con lo cual lograron en los meses siguientes la liberación de Caracas. Este tratado de suspensión de hostilidades sirvió como precedente humanitario y como referente para otras vías de conciliación posteriores, como por ejemplo las capitulaciones de las plazas de Maracaibo y Puerto Cabello.

Con motivo de la conmemoración del Bicentenario de la Independencia de las naciones hispanoamericanas, este trabajo tiene por objeto analizar los tratados de armisticio y de regularización de la guerra firmados por los españoles y los republicanos el 25 y 26 de noviembre de 1820 en Trujillo y examinar en detalle sus implicaciones en la sociedad y en la economía de las provincias venezolanas. En vista de que la mayoría de estudios existentes han abordado el análisis de estos tratados desde la perspectiva militar y política, la apuesta de este artículo consiste en observar aquellos dos acuerdos de conciliación como espacios de distensión en medio de una lucha por el poder que se había prolongado durante más de una década. ; On the commemoration of the Bicentennial of the Independence of the Latin American nations, this work aims to analyze the treaties of armistice and regularization of the war signed by the Spaniards and the Republicans on November 1820 in Trujillo and examine in detail its implications in society and in the economy of the Venezuelan provinces. In view of the fact that the majority of existing studies have approached the analysis of these treaties from a military and political perspective, the aim of this article is to observe those two conciliation agreements as spaces of relaxation in the midst of a struggle for power that it had lasted for more than a decade. ; 91-111 ; rogpit@hotmail.com ; Semestral

Textes en français, en latin et en espagnol. ; La microfiche fait partie d'une collection de l'I.C.M.H. Pour obtenir les microfiches particulières de cette collection, voir les numéros de microfiches de l'I.C.M.H. 38564-38575. ; En tête du titre: Amérique latine. ; "Première période. Tome onzième." ; Comprend des références bibliographiques. ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44

Textes en espagnol. ; La microfiche fait partie d'une collection de l'I.C.M.H. Pour obtenir les microfiches particulières de cette collection, voir les numéros de microfiches de l'I.C.M.H. 38564-38575. ; En tête du titre: Amérique latine. ; "Première période. Limites. Tome huitième." ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44

Textes en espagnol. ; Tables. ; La microfiche fait partie d'une collection de l'I.C.M.H. Pour obtenir les microfiches particulières de cette collection, voir les numéros de microfiches de l'I.C.M.H. 38564-38575. ; "Première période. Limites. Tome septième." ; Comprend des références bibliographiques. ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44

International audience ; This article deals with the Hungarian policy on Czechoslovakia in 1918-1920. It pays a particular attention to the Budapest' attempts to regain control over its Northern provinces (Slovakia and Ruthenia or, in Hungarian, Felvidék), which, in violation with the principles of the Belgrade armistice of 13 November 1918, were occupied by the Czech troops in December 1918- June 1919. Hoping to reintegrate these territories, Budapest guaranteed an autonomy to Ruthenia (in December 1918) and to Slovakia (in March 1919). Also, the government of Budapest supported the anti-Czech resistance movement in these territories. However, when these attempts failed, Hungary signed the Trianon Peace Treaty on 4 June 1920, which internationally legalized the detachment of Felvidék from Hungary. Thus, from the summer of 1920, Budapest tried to establish more friendly relations with Prague in order to renew the commercial exchanges and protect the Magyar minority in Czechoslovakia. The article is based on the analysis of a broad collection of sources, mainly from the Hungarian National Archives as well as the newest historiography contributions in Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech republic. ; Данная статья анализирует политику Венгрии по отношению к Чехословакии в 1918-1920 гг. В данной статье рассматриваются политика Венгрии по отношению к Чехословакии в 1918-1920 гг. Статья уделяет особое внимание попыткам Будапешта восстановить контроль над своими северными провинциями (Словакия и Подкарпатье или, по-венгерски, Фельвидек), которые, в нарушение с принципами Белградского перемирия от 13 ноября 1918 года, были заняты чешскими войсками в декабре 1918-июне 1919 гг. Надеясь на реинтеграцию этих территорий, Будапешт гарантировал автономию Подкарпатью (в декабре 1918) и Словакии (в марте 1919 г.). Кроме того, правительство Будапешта поддерживали античешское сопротивление на этих территориях. Однако, когда эти попытки не увенчались успехом, Венгрия подписала Трианонский мирный договор 4 июня 1920 года, который ...

International audience ; This article deals with the Hungarian policy on Czechoslovakia in 1918-1920. It pays a particular attention to the Budapest' attempts to regain control over its Northern provinces (Slovakia and Ruthenia or, in Hungarian, Felvidék), which, in violation with the principles of the Belgrade armistice of 13 November 1918, were occupied by the Czech troops in December 1918- June 1919. Hoping to reintegrate these territories, Budapest guaranteed an autonomy to Ruthenia (in December 1918) and to Slovakia (in March 1919). Also, the government of Budapest supported the anti-Czech resistance movement in these territories. However, when these attempts failed, Hungary signed the Trianon Peace Treaty on 4 June 1920, which internationally legalized the detachment of Felvidék from Hungary. Thus, from the summer of 1920, Budapest tried to establish more friendly relations with Prague in order to renew the commercial exchanges and protect the Magyar minority in Czechoslovakia. The article is based on the analysis of a broad collection of sources, mainly from the Hungarian National Archives as well as the newest historiography contributions in Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech republic. ; Данная статья анализирует политику Венгрии по отношению к Чехословакии в 1918-1920 гг. В данной статье рассматриваются политика Венгрии по отношению к Чехословакии в 1918-1920 гг. Статья уделяет особое внимание попыткам Будапешта восстановить контроль над своими северными провинциями (Словакия и Подкарпатье или, по-венгерски, Фельвидек), которые, в нарушение с принципами Белградского перемирия от 13 ноября 1918 года, были заняты чешскими войсками в декабре 1918-июне 1919 гг. Надеясь на реинтеграцию этих территорий, Будапешт гарантировал автономию Подкарпатью (в декабре 1918) и Словакии (в марте 1919 г.). Кроме того, правительство Будапешта поддерживали античешское сопротивление на этих территориях. Однако, когда эти попытки не увенчались успехом, Венгрия подписала Трианонский мирный договор 4 июня 1920 года, который легализовал на международном уровне отделение Фельвидека от Венгрии. Начиная с августа 1920 года, Будапешт попытался наладить более дружественные отношения с Прагой с целью возобновления коммерческих отношений и защиты мадьярского меньшинства в Чехословакии. В качестве основных источников были использованы протоколы заседаний венгерского правительства, опубликованные сборники венгерских, чехословацких и французских дипломатических документов, а также релевантные наработки венгерской, чешской и словацкой историографии.

The present report was prepared for the Welfare Advisory Committee of the Ministry of Munitions. As the committee has now suspended its operations, owing to the armistice, it has been decided to issue the report for general information . The present report was written before the armistice. cf. p. [3] ; Mode of access: Internet.

Various documents including letters from John Howden (with Spanish translations) and Manuel Oribe, concerning the withdrawal of British troops from the Rio de la Plata, the acceptance of the armistice by Manuel Oribe and its refusal by the Government of Montevideo, and the propositions of the armistice. All dated July 1847, and signed 'El Redactor Principal del "Comercio del Plata"'