For an artist at the earliest stages of his career, accumulating a stock of knowledge and skills can become the most important basis from which he or she might expect a higher income or ranking on the art market in the future. These investments can be seen as the direct costs of higher education in art, which together with other costs make a significant corpus of investment for the artist, from which some future return may be expected. According to the renowned theoretician of economy Ruth Towse, such investment can also be considered as a "percentage of personal income," which can be understood as compensation for any interest that the artist would have realized in case he had effectively converted such investment into savings or invested in something else. Thus, the indirect costs of investing in art education are all those that we can consider as earnings that were missed during the training period, or period of knowledge accumulation. In this case, theorists will agree that such investment may be considered as an opportunity cost, which would have been compensated had that time been used for work, that is, invested in earning rather than learning. Therefore, in this paper, based on these dichotomy contributions, we will build on the general views of the contract theory as proposed by Richard E. Caves on the negotiating position of the artist, which in most cases constitutes an "incomplete contract" that cannot compensate for all the costs of art education and later the price and market value of his or her work. The need to pay special attention to this topic in the new conditions of political economy arises from a rather dominant and hypostatic form of cognitive capital on the one side, and the neoliberal model of cultural policy on the other. ; Stvaranje zaliha znanja i vještina za umjetnika u najranijim fazama njegovog razvoja može da predstavlja najznačajniju osnovu s koje u budućnosti može očekivati veći dohodak ili ranigiranje unutar nekog umjetničkog tržišta. Ta ulaganja moguće je sagledati kao neposredne troškove visokoškolskog umjetničkog obrazovanja koje povezano sa ostalim troškovima čine značajan korpus investicija umjetnika od kojih se, u perspektivi, može očekivati povraćaj uloženog. Po riječima ugledne teoretičarke ekonomike kulture, Rut Tausi [Ruth Towse], takvo se ulaganje može nazvati i "lična stopa prinosa" koja se može razumjeti kao nadoknada eventualne kamate koju bi umjetnik ostvario da je kojim slučajem takvu investiciju efektivno pretvorio u štednju ili investirao u nešto drugo. Na drugoj strani, posredni troškovi ulaganja u umjetničko obrazovanje su svi oni koje možemo smatrati propuštenom zaradom koja nastaje u toku perioda obuke umjetnika, odnosno perioda akumulacije njegovog znanja. U takvom slučaju teoretičari će se složiti da se takva investicija može smatrati oportunitetnim troškom koji bi mogao biti nadoknađen da je to vrijeme bilo iskorišteno za rad, odnosno za prihodovanje, a ne za obrazovanje. Stoga ćemo u ovom radu na osnovu ovih dihotomijskih priloga pokušati da nadogradimo opšta stanovišta teorije ugovora Ričarda E. Kejvsa [Richard E. Caves] o pregovaračkoj poziciji umjetnika koja u većini slučajeva predstavlja "nepotpun ugovor" kojim se ne mogu kompenzovati svi troškovi umjetničkog obrazovanja te kasnije cijene i tržišne vrijednosti njegovog rada. Potreba da se ovoj temi posveti posebna pažnja u novim uslovima političke ekonomije nastaje iz jedne prilično preovladajuće i hipostazirane forme kognitivnog kapitala na jednoj i neoliberalnog modela kulturne politike na drugoj strani.
Uporedo sа porаstom političkih tenzijа u globаlnim okvirimа usled аntаgonizmimа ekonomski i vojno nаjmoćnijih zemаljа, prve decenije nаkon Drugog svetskog rаtа donele su i intenzivirаnje konflikаtа unutаr аmeričkog društvа te njihovo problemаtizovаnje u jаvnom i političkom polju. Grаđаnsko nezаdovoljstvo nа tlu SAD-а imаlo je rаzličitа ishodištа kаo i rаzličite vidove kаnаlisаnjа kаdа je reč o metodаmа političkog i društvenog orgаnizovаnjа ugroženih ili obesprаvljenih društvenih grupа. Kаo jedаn od njegovih nаjupečаtljivijih oblikа ispoljаvаnjа bilo je političko, kulturno i društveno delаnje аfroаmeričke zаjednice nаročito tokom 60-ih godinа prošlog vekа, u "nаjborbenijoj" fаzi Pokretа zа grаđаnskа prаvа.2 U ovom periodu znаčаjаn deo аfroаmeričke populаcije počev od predstаvnikа njene političke i kulturne elite do аkterа iz nаjnižih slojevа bio je uključen u rаzličite vidove аktivnosti sа ciljem dezintegrаcije represivnih mehаnizаmа аmeričkog društvа, te otklаnjаnjа ključnih činilаcа političke, kulturne i ekonomske nejednаkosti njegovih pripаdnikа. ; Since the beginning of the 20th century African American intellectual and political elite strived to define the place of black minority in the American society by formulating its political, cultural and economic goals. During that time different concepts of African American culture as well as different cultural policies were promoted in the political, artistic and academic fields. In the 1960s distinct visions of the future of African American community in the American society were consolidated and mediated through the Civil Rights Movement and its multiple organizations that included both the activist from the lower social strata and intellectuals and artists. Among them were many male jazz musicinas as well as a few female jazz artists. Focusing on the artistic work of Nina Simone in the 1960s as a specific example of fusion of political and feministic activism, we will examine the ideological and aesthetical distinction of her position in the fields of politics, music and culture of that period. In that process we will analyze the artistic sublimation of Simone`s understanding of African American racial and feminist identity comparing her views with the predominant perspectives of the African American political, intellectual and artistic elite.
Momentography of a failure brings essays, timelines, film, photography, and a series of conversations together to deal with Ethiopia's controversial urbanisation and the transformative space of the city. It explores the gradual transition of rural-urban space, inner-city migration, emerging and disappearing spaces, and commoning in public space. Momentography of a failure is established at the verge of a hyper-documented world, a hybrid space of digital sociability. While the media production, its reception, and distribution was pluralized by digitization, practices such as "media-sharing" and "citizen journalism" established new conditions for visibility, reinvented the authorial image, and promoted yet another dematerialization of authorship. The author camouflages in the cloud(s). Adoption, appropriation, and recycling are standardized. Authorship becomes secondary to content and alternative models of authorship are formulated: co-authoring, collaborative creation, interactivity, and strategic anonymity, in which cultural activism is reinforced. Momentography of a failure sets out on this point and draws up a multidisciplinary artistic and urban research platform that calls for practicing forms of participatory citizenship through collaborative thinking, creation, and reflection. Momentography of a failure is a network of artists, urbanists, writers, and activists that stand where aesthetic-artistic practice and sociopolitical activism come together to explore failure--and its various realities--and claim, reaffirm, and dream alternatives
In the period 1945-1950, the oldest educational and cultural organization of the Croatian peasantry, "Seljacka Sloga" (Peasant Unity), renewed its work throughout Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina. In terms of the extent of the organization, the number of local branches (over 600) approached the prewar figure, and an equally respectable number of people (over 60,000) participated in the various educational and cultural activities it offered. These activities primarily followed traditional patterns: instruction in reading and writing, advice on economic and health issues, promotion and preservation of cultural customs and heritage, and assistance to amateur peasant artists of all kinds. But the very existence and work of the organization in this period was in large part determined by the political objectives of the new socialist government, which saw in the organization's activities the possibility of strengthening its influence in the countryside. is thus possible to conclude that "Sloga" at this time was made an instrument of politics, and this shaped the content of its work and determined the nature of its organization. The new government forced "Sloga" to join the pro-communist National Front and make its policies according to the set principles of, at first, national democracy, and later, socialism. The leaders of "Sloga" were under constant pressure from the state. Nonetheless, the author concludes that the "Sloga" played an important role in the postwar era, a time of extreme poverty, when other institutions did not exist. In the countryside, its revived cultural and educational activities satisfied basic needs. (SOI : CSP: S. 146)
У овој студији пажња је фокусирана на реконструкцију пијанистичког репертоара Корнелија Станковића, како би се испитао однос његових и дела иностраних композитора, као и колико је концепција програма била условљена срединама у којима je наступао. Након увида у написе у оновременој штампи, као и у сачуване плакате са концерата, издвојене су композиције које су се налазиле на његовом пијанистичком репертоару. Циљ овога рада био је и да се укаже на актуелност извођених композиција, што је, између осталог, омогућио и увид у немачку штампу разматраног периода. ; Of particular importance for the artistic commitment and maturation of Kornelije Stanković, was his training in Vienna, which at that time represented the center of the Slavic elite. The whole cultural and social atmosphere of Vienna left a strong imprint on the young artist: a rich cultural and political life of the city, contacts with Serbian and Slavic circles and their ideas, especially studies under distinguished professor at the Conservatory – a composer, pianist and theorist Simon Sechter. By studying the inscriptions in the Serbian press from the 19th century (Srbski list, Vidovdan, Južna pčela, Danica, Trgovačke novine, Šumadinka) and preserved posters of Stankovic's concerts, we have selected the compositions that were part of the Kornelije Stanković piano repertoire. Besides his own compositions, his repertoire included some works of Franz Liszt and Sigismund Thalberg, and even, then popular and now forgotten salon composers-pianists: Jacob Blumenthal, Louis Lacombe, Rudolf Willmers, Eduard M. Pirkhert, and a certain man named Wald. It is possible that this selection of works was influenced by Sechter himself. Blumental and Lacombe were his students. However, the fact remains that the compositions of those authors, which Stanković performed, also represented the most famous works of those composers, as well as the standards of the salon repertoire at the time. The aim of this paper is to highlight the equal importance and representation of the foreign composers within Stankovic's piano repertoire, as well as the actuality of performed compositions, which has allowed us to gain an insight into the German press of the considered period.
Овај рад представља сажетак истраживања у којем је српска документарно-уметничка проза друге половине 19. века сагледана као драгоцени извор за упознавање токова и веза између српске културне и музичке историје. Истражена грађа потврђује да је музика, у сфери јавног и приватног, била важан сегмент живота свих слојева српског друштва 19. века, у сложеним геополитичким и културноисторијским контекстима. С обзиром на природу извора, сведочанства носе индивидуализовану, парцијалну перспективу, често подређену функцијама и облицима текста, поетици појединих аутора и концепцијама конкретних мемоарских дела. Посебно је коментарисан "ниво документарности" мемоарских извора, односно условљеност типа записа о музици природом документарно-уметничких жанрова. ; In this study the documentary prose (memoirs, diaries, autobiographies and travelogues, as well as selected biographical essays about the renowned individuals) written in the second half of the XIX century by prominent Serbian cultural workers, artists, statesmen, journalists and politicians is regarded as a valuable material for exploring the links and flows between Serbian cultural and musical histories. The sources confirm that, both in the public and private spheres, music was an important segment of all strata of the XIX-century Serbian society in complex geopolitical and cultural-historical contexts. In a diachronic perspective the analysed material reflects the dynamics and evolution of the types of presence of music and musical life in all countries populated by the Serbs in this period: the Habsburg Monarchy, the Principality and Kingdom of Serbia and the Serbian enclaves in other nations. The documents testify about the place of music in the spheres of personal interest, affinities and experiences of the writers and their contemporaries, i.e. they reflect the status of music in the context of everyday cultural life of the Serbs in the XIX century. By means of separate thematic descriptions of music in the sources, the music creators, performers and audiences are portrayed, the activities of important music institutions are presented, various types and opportunities for making music are described, the aspects of musical interpretation are commented on, and the features of traditions of vocal and instrumental musical practices from different regions are analysed. The collected sources have been analysed and assessed with respect to their contents and the authors' attitudes, and the deliberation of the hypotheses posed here is compliant with the inspection of the relevant studies from the realms of general and cultural histories, histories of literature and literary criticism, music history, cultural anthropology and art history. Due to the nature of the sources, these testimonies usually point to an individualised, partial perspective, often subordinated to the function and type of text, the poetics of certain authors and the concepts of specific memoirs. The "level of documentarity" of the memoire sources is discussed separately, as well as the dependence of the types of writings about music on the nature of the genres of documentary prose.
The denomination singing revolution (coined by Estonian artist Heinz Valk, b. 1936) is commonly used for events in Baltic States between 1987 and 1991 that led to the restoration of the independence of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Three songs – the folk song Pūt, vējiņi! (Blow, Wind!), the choir song Gaismas pils (The Castle of Light) by the national classical composer Jāzeps Vītols (1863–1948) and the song Saule, Pērkons, Daugava (Sun, Thunder, Daugava) by the composer Mārtiņš Brauns (1951) – at that time in Latvia had a special significance in society. Each song represented references to different layers in Latvian cultural and political history. The characteristics of the three songs in the Singing Revolution process are based on the approach and methodology of distant (objective) analysis of cultural context and recent historical experience. As a result, this article reveals the meaning and reception of the three songs as symbols of nonviolent resistance during the fall of communist regime in Latvia in the late 1980s. ; Термин певана револуција, који је сковао естонски уметник Хајнц Валк (Heinz Valk, 1936–), реферира на збивања у балтичким земљама између 1987. и 1991. године, која су довела до поновног успостављања независности Естоније, Летоније и Литваније. Масовне демонстрације против совјетске окупације започеле су након свеобухватне либерализације совјетског режима. У Москви су се надали да ће не-руске нације остати у оквиру Совјетског Савеза, захваљујући уклањању ограничења у вези са слободом говора и коришћењем националних симбола (попут локалних застава из раздобља пре 1940. године и сл.) Међутим, ситуација се до те мере погоршала да су још пре 1989. године започете кампање за ослобађање балтичких нација из окова Совјетског Савеза. Грандиозне манифестације на којима су људи заједно певали биле су карактеристичне за све три балтичке државе. Песме, као симболи протеста и ослобођења, сигнализирале су крај комунистичког режима. Три песме – народна песма Pūt, vējiņi! (Дуни, ветре!), хорска песма Gaismas pils (Замак светлости) летонског националног композитора Јазепса Витолса (Jāzeps Vītols, 1863–1948) и песма Saule, Pērkons, Daugava (Сунце, гром, Даугава) композитора Мартинша Браунса (Mārtiņš Brauns, 1951–), имале су посебан друштвени значај у Летонији тога доба. Свака песма је садржала референце на одређене слојеве летонске културне и политичке историје. Свака од ове три песме имала је другачију судбину након пада совјетског режима и поновног успостављања летонске независности. Стога, фокусирање на ове песме пружа нијансиран поглед на различите културне и политичке контексте пада комунистичког режима у балтичким државама, посебно у Летонији. У приступу овим песмама, карактеристичним за певану револуцију, примењена је методологији дистанциране (објективне) анализе културног контекста и скорашњег историјског искуства. Последично, овим чланком се осврћемо на значење и рецепцију ове три песме као симбола ненасилног отпора у време пада комунистичког режима у Летонији, крајем осамдесетих година прошлог века. Могуће је закључити да се поједине песме, у комтексту историјских промена, не доживљавају као примарно музички артефакти, већ као дубоко симболичне поруке. Заузврат, анализа ових порука омогућава нам да откријемо референце на разне слојеве културе и специфичних локалних традиција, као и њихових данашњих одјека у оквирима традиционалне културе. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization
Jevrejski istorijski muzej (JIM) u Beogradu predstavlјa jednu celovitu, po mnogo čemu jedinstvenu muzejsku ustanovu u Srbiji. To je jedini jevrejski muzej u našoj zemlјi, tematski specijalizovan, a sadržajno veoma kompleksan. Osim muzejskog materijala, Jevrejski istorijski muzej ima sopstveni, srazmerno veliki arhiv čija dokumentacija i foto-dokumentacija svedoči kako o Holokaustu, u kojem su mnoge jevrejske opštine bukvalno nestale, tako i o životu i aktivnostima jevrejskih zajednica iz Srbije i sa teritorije cele bivše Jugoslavije u 19, još više 20. veku, uklјučujući i savremene periode. Jevrejski istorijski muzej je osnovan 1948. godine u okviru Saveza jevrejskih opština bivše Jugoslavije. Zanimlјiva je činjenica da je ideja o osnivanju muzeja ovakvog tipa mnogo starija. Već posle prvog Redovnog kongresa Saveza jevrejskih veroispovednih opština Kralјevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca održanog 1921. godine u Zagrebu, bilo je predloga i planova za stvaranje muzeja - pravog mesta za čuvanje jevrejske baštine i kulturnog identiteta. Ipak, ova ideja nije ostvarena. Imajući u vidu Drugi svetski rat i događaje koju su usledili počev od 1941. godine u Jugoslaviji, sa ove vremenske distance, može se slobodno reći da je ״sreća u nesreći" što jevrejski muzej nije tada osnovan. Pošto je uspeo da se obnovi, kao vodeća institucija preživelih jevrejskih opština oslobođene Republike Jugoslavije, Savez se, u jesen 1945. godine, obratio svojim članicama sa molbom da prikupe sve raspoložive podatke o Holokaustu i učešću Jevreja u Norodnooslobodilačkoj borbi. Bio je to prvi, ali sasvim konkretan korak ka muzeju. Relativno brzo, u Zagrebu je formiran Muzejsko-istorijski odsek u okviru Pravnog odelјenja Saveza. Otpočelo je sistematsko traganje za sačuvanom arhivskom građom. Godine 1952. do tada sakuplјena građa je preselјena u Beograd, kada se nastavilo sa traganjem i sakuplјanjem. ״Odsek" je počeo da se razvija u pravcu kompletne muzejske ustanove. Te 1952. godine, organizovana je izložba povodom otkrivanja impresivnog spomenika Bogdana Bogdanovića na sefardskom groblјu u Beogradu, posvećenog jevrejskim žrtvama Holokausta. Povodom obeležavanja desetogodišnjice obnove, Savez je 1955. postavio još jednu izložbu o radu celokupne jevrejske zajednice u tadašnjoj Jugoslaviji. Za sve to vreme, kao osnivač i vlasnik Muzeja, Savez je bio u stalnom kontaktu sa svim svojim jevrejskim opštinama, obnovlјenim posle neviđenog stradanja 1941-1945. godine. Za zajednički Muzej i dalјe su stizali materijali koji su se odnosili na istoriju jugoslovenskih Jevreja. Pozivu Saveza su se odazivali i pojedinci, preživeli Jevreji koji su donosili poneki predmet ili porodične fotografije, kolekcionari čije su zbirke opstale sakrivene, i drugi . Mnogi su Muzeju zaveštali predmete iz porodičnih kuća od istorijskog, etnološkog ili umetničkog značaja, a povremeno je vršen i otkup eksponata, u zavisnosti od trenutnih uslova. Počev od datuma osnivanja, pa do 1959. godine, sakuplјen je muzejski i arhivski materijal, dovolјan da se iste godine otvori lepa, slikovita - prva stalna, muzejska postavka. Na dan 19. maja 1960. godine, za javnost je otvoren Muzej Saveza jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije, u istoj zgradi u kojoj je i Savez. Posle izvesnog vremena, naziv muzeja je preinačen u Jevrejski istorijski muzej (JIM), što mnogo više odgovara njegovoj nameni i sadržaju. Sa sakuplјanjem i stručnom obradom materijala se nastavilo, pa je 1969. godine otvorena druga stalna postavka Jevrejskog istorijskog muzeja, znatno bogatija i izražajnija. Za njenu koncepciju je bila zaslužna prof. dr Vidosava Nedomački, prvi upravnik Muzeja. Posle raspada Jugoslavije 1992. godine, formiran je Savez jevrejskih opština Srbije u kojem se okupilo deset jevrejskih opština, koliko ih ukupno ima u našoj zemlјi. Status Jevrejskog istorijskog muzeja ostao je isti - on je deo Saveza jevrejskih opština Srbije. Iako je u sastavu Saveza, Muzej se razvio u instituciju za sebe, sa svojim specifičnim životom, svojom stručnom ekipom i svojim poslovnim kontaktima sa drugim muzejima. S obzirom na to da je stalna izložbena postavka Muzeja otvorena mnogo pre raspada Jugoslavije, ona se bavi istorijskim, etnološkim i opštekulturnim temama vezanim za jevrejstvo celokupnog nekadašnjeg jugoslovenskog područja. Usled teških političkih i ekonomskih problema koji su, počev od 1992. godine pritiskali našu zemlјu, Srbiju, nisu se zasad stekli uslovi za izradu nove, drugačije koncipirane postavke. Međutim, ako imamo u vidu činjenicu da su Jevreji ovog dela Balkana imali zajedničku istoriju i kulturna obeležja - onda je neizbežno da i koncept nove postavke zadrži, bar delimično, širi pristup u svojoj budućoj prezentaciji. Zbog svega toga, a i zahvalјujući složenoj i veoma suptilno osmišlјenoj koncepciji, realna starost stalne izložbene postavke Jevrejskog istorijskog muzeja nikome ne smeta, jer ne utiče na izvanredan kvalitet informacija o jevrejskoj istoriji i načinu života. ; The Jewish Historical Museum (JHM) in Belgrade is a comprehensive and, in manу ways, a unique museum in Serbia. It is the only Jewish museum in the country, thematically specialized, and very complex in terms of contents. Apart from museum exhibits, the Jewish Historical Museum also has its own, relatively large, archives whose documentation and photo documentation are testimony both of the Holocaust, during which manу Jewish communities literally perished, and of the life and activities of Jewish communities from Serbia and the whole territory of former Yugoslavia during the 19th and, even more, the 20th century, including the present times. The Jewish Historical Museum was founded in 1948, as part of the Federation of Jewish Communities of Yugoslavia. It is interesting to note that the idea of founding a museum of this type dates much further back. Already after the First Congress of the Federation of Jewish Religious Communities of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, held in 1921 in Zagreb, there were recommendations and plans concerning the foundation of such a museum as the right place to preserve the heritage and cultural identity. Yet, the idea had not materialized. Having in mind the World War II and the events that followed from 1941 in Yugoslavia, from this time perspective one could say that it is, in fact, a lucky coincidence that the Jewish museum had not been founded at that time. After the Federation managed to revive itself as the leading institution of the surviving Jewish communities of the liberated Republic of Yugoslavia, in autumn of 1945, it invited its members to collect all data available about the Holocaust and the participation of Jews in the National Liberation Movement. This was the first and very specific step towards founding a museum. Relatively soon afterwards, the Museum - Historical Department was established in Zagreb within the Legal Division of the Federation. Systematic efforts to identify and preserve the archives began. In 1952 all the archives collected until that time were moved to Belgrade, and the search and collection efforts continued. The ״Department" was beginning to develop towards a full museum institution. The same уеаг, 1952, an exhibition was organized on the occasion of launching the impressive monument by artist Bogdan Bogdanovic at the Sephardic cemetery in Belgrade, dedicated to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust. On the occasion of commemorating the tenth anniversary of its revival, in 1955, the Federation staged another exhibition on the topic of activities of the whole Jewish community in the then Yugoslavia. During that period, the Federation, as the founder and owner of the Museum, was in permanent contact with all the member Jewish communities that were revitalized after the unprecedented persecution during the period 1941-1945. The Museum continued to receive materials relevant to the history of Yugoslav Jews. The individual, surviving Jews also responded to the invitation of the Museum and contributed individual exhibits and family photographs, and there were contributions from collectors whose collections were hidden and preserved, and others as well. Маnу of them made legacies to the Museum containing artefacts from their families and homes, and these legacies possessed historical, ethnological and artistic value; also depending on its resources available the Museum on occasions also purchased exhibits. From its very establishment, until the уеаг 1959, the Museum had managed to collect sufficient museum and archive materials to establish that same уеаг a good and picturesque permanent museum exhibition. On 19 Мау 1960, the Museum of the Federation of Jewish Communities of Yugoslavia was opened to the public, in the same building which presently houses the Federation. Soon afterwards, the name of the Museum was changed to The Jewish Historical Museum (JHM), which is much better suited to its purpose and content. The collection and professional processing of collected materials continued, so that in 1969 the second permanent exhibition of the Jewish Historical Museum, much richer and more expressive, was presented. The credit for its concept goes to Vidosava Nedomacki, Ph.D., the first Museum Manager. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1992, The Federation of Jewish Communities of Serbia was established, consisting of ten Jewish communities, which is the total existing in our country. The status of the Jewish Historical Museum remained unchanged - it is an integral part of the Federation of Jewish Communities of Serbia. Although existing within the framework of the Federation, the Museum developed into an institution of its own right, living its own specific life, its professional team and business contacts with other museums. Since the permanent exhibition of the Museum was opened long before the disintegration of Yugoslavia, it deals with the historical, ethnological and general cultural topics relevant to the Jewery of the overall then Yugoslav region. Due to the grave political and economic difficulties which, beginning in 1992, overwhelmed our country, Serbia, it has not yet been possible to develop a new, differently designed museum exhibition. However, having in mind the fact that the Jews from this part of the Balkans have had a common history and cultural features - it is unavoidable that the concept of such a new exhibition should maintain, at least partially, a more comprehensive approach to such a presentation which will develop in the future. For all of these reasons, and thanks to the complex and subtly designed concept, the actual age of the permanent exhibition of the Jewish Historical Museum does not bother аnyone, as it does not have an impact on the excellent quality of information regarding Jewish history of the way of life. ; 2. dopunjeno izdanje (2nd enlarged edition). ; Uporedo srpski tekst i engleski prevod. ; Ilustracija za korice knjige: Tora i jad - pokazivač za tekst Tore iz Judaika zbirke Jevrejskog istorijskog muzeja (motive for the cover page: The Torah scroll with a Torah pointer from the Judaica collection of the Jewish Historical Museum).