Suchergebnisse

In the life of having state, there are opportunities for cooperation to be carried out to achieve the goals that the country wants. Like human life that forms relationships with other humans as humans should be social beings. Some countries collaborate in one forum to clarify their goals and intentions. Likewise with ASEAN, standing as an organization of one regional region namely Southeast Asia, ASEAN will always face new challenges. The role of ASEAN is to find and prepare a solution. Sometimes, this collaboration must be extended to achieve greater goals according to what ASEAN wants. One of these collaborations is to add other countries such as China, Japan and Korea or more familiarly called ASEAN + 3. Of course, there is a program launched by this collaboration that hope will has an impact on ASEAN + 3 countries. This paper trying to discuss the actions that have been planned or carried out by ASEAN + 3 and see the extent of the effectiveness of this cooperation. ASEAN + 3 has brought wind of hope for their member countries without forgetting the fact that other impacts have caused it. Research from this paper is based on literature sources and looks at the facts as one of the ASEAN + 3 member countries. This paper concludes a number of programs planned by ASEAN + 3 and the extent to which they have been effective. In addition, this paper discusses what impacts ASEAN + 3 will have in the future.

The occupation of the city of Marawi in the southern Philippines and a series of terrorist attacks in Indonesia which followed it demonstrate that terrorism is a persistent and enduring threat to Southeast Asian security, despite the governments' concerted efforts on countering terrorism since 9/11 and the Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005. Security specialists and defence officials in the region believe that ASEAN has to intensify its cooperation to address the challenge of terrorism through the use of military forces. This article, however, claims that the militarised counterterrorism has no institutional, normative and practical basis within ASEAN's main security structure, the APSC. This is followed by dual implications for the broader security agendas, affecting democratisation and sharpening mistrust among ASEAN states which challenges ASEAN centrality in regional security affairs.

The purpose of this study is to ascertain the causal link between corruption and sustainable development. The Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Human Development Index (HDI), Carbon Dioxide Emissions (CO2), and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) variables were used in this study. The data for this analysis were derived from secondary sources such as the World Bank, the United Nations Development Programme, and Transparency International. The stationary test, cointegration test, optimum lag test, and Granger causality test were all employed in this study. The study's findings indicate that corruption and sustainable development are causally related. Corruption and sustainable development have a two-way causative link from a socioeconomic viewpoint, a one-way causal relationship from an environmental perspective, and a one-way causation relationship between corruption and foreign direct investment. Corruption has proven to be an obstacle to the sustainable development of every country.

The outbreak of the covid-19 outbreak is a significant threat in parts of the world, one of which is the Southeast Asia region. Facing these conditions, ASEAN as the largest regional institution that accommodates country cooperation in the Southeast Asia Region has agreed to work together to reduce the negative effects of the corona virus through a number of policies. Cooperation is carried out through ASEAN mechanisms to cooperation with other organizations. The various collaborations discuss a number of matters, including mitigation in the health sector, responses in the economic sector, as well as measures in the tourism and travel sector. However, in this cooperation there are a number of challenges for ASEAN regional cooperation in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic such as the lack of information regarding the handling of Covid-19 received by ASEAN members, the slow response of ASEAN in dealing with Covid-19, the different policies taken by each member country further encouraging ASEAN to continue working to find solutions in tackling the Covid-19 pandemic. This research focuses on any efforts to deal with Covid-19. The methodology used is a qualitative research design. Researchers used the concept of the role of ASEAN and handling the pandemic to analyze this study. The results show that ASEAN member countries have a strategic role in tackling the spread of Covid-19 in a number of fields such as health, trade and socio-economy.

South South Cooperation (SSC) is a form of development cooperation between developing countries based on the principle of solidarity, equality (mutual opportunity) and the principle of mutual benefit. Indonesia is one of the member countries of Cooperation which is active as a foreign aid provider for SSC partner countries. So far, the available discussions have only focused on the benefits of South South Cooperation (SSC) on Indonesia's national interests. This journal examines from another perspective on the impact of Indonesia's foreign assistance on the development of member states of South South Cooperation. The research method used was descriptive qualitative with a focus on providing assistance in the Asian region. Foreign aid provided by Indonesia focuses more on training and community empowerment programs. Indonesia also provided financial assistance but the value was no greater than non-financial assistance worth US $ 60 million. In addition, Indonesia's foreign aid for conflict countries in Asia includes educational, economic, health and social programs that aim to help and alleviate the suffering of people in the midst of conflict. The impact of the provision of non-financial assistance is that people in developing countries in Asia get new knowledge, skills and information to be implemented in their countries and increase community empowerment so that they are not increasingly dependent on foreign financial assistance.

Digitalization in the modern era has provided opportunities for the youths to participate in this information and social spheres. The concentrated use of social media has contributed to the astonishing factor among the voters where social media has changed the preferences of youths toward the right to vote. The research aims to investigate the contributions and preferences of youths toward political participation in the contemporary discussion in Indonesia. This research was quantitative research using a purposive random sampling technique to give equal opportunity to each respondent. The mode of data collection was an online survey. The majority of the respondents in this research were the student of the universities. Data were collected in April 2019 to examine the interest of youths in general elections in Indonesia. This research found that social media and Social Networking Sites (SNSs) have provided a unique platform to discuss political matters and 'take apart' in political discussions. Existing in-depth researches on this phenomenon show that political awareness among youths in Indonesia is an essential part and social media is the leading indicator. This research suggested some recommendations for to usage of social media for the socialization of youths. ; Digitalisasi di era modern telah memberikan peluang bagi generasi muda untuk berpartisipasi dalam bidang informasi dan sosial ini. Penggunaan media sosial yang terkonsentrasi telah berkontribusi pada faktor menakjubkan di antara para pemilih di mana media sosial telah mengubah preferensi kaum muda terhadap hak untuk memilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki kontribusi dan preferensi generasi muda terhadap partisipasi politik dalam diskusi kontemporer di Indonesia. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kuantitatif dengan menggunakan teknik purposive random sampling untuk memberikan peluang yang sama bagi setiap responden. Mode pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan survei online. Mayoritas responden dalam penelitian ini adalah mahasiswa universitas. Data dikumpulkan pada April 2019 untuk menyelidiki minat generasi muda dalam pemilihan umum di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa media sosial dan situs jejaring sosial (Social Networking Sites atau SNS) telah menyediakan platform yang unik untuk mendiskusikan masalah politik dan 'mengambil terpisah' dalam diskusi politik. Penelitian ini menyarankan beberapa rekomendasi untuk penggunaan media sosial untuk sosialisasi generasi muda.

The region of ASEAN is the leading producer of rice in the world. For most people in ASEAN member countries, rice is also a staple food commodity. ASEAN is disaster prone areas such as tsunami, landslide, earthquakes, floods and hurricanes causing degraded farmland, swallowing casualties as well as farm animals. The research having problem formulation, how the role of ASEAN Plus Three through the APTERR program, how the dynamics of food security issue. and how to implement APTERR's commitment as an effort to address food security issues in southeast Asia. The purpose of this research is to know the cooperation of ASEAN Plus Three through APTERR program. The Data obtained will be analyzed by descriptive method of analysis. .Based on the analysis of the data done, the conclusion that ASEAN is also a disaster prone areas such as tsunami, landslide, earthquakes, floods and hurricanes that cause farmland is damaged, swallowing casualties also livestock animals. As far as research analysis in the implementation of APTERR in the years 2015 – 2019, tier I and tier II programs have not been utilized. APTERR still focuses on tier III, which is giving direct assistance to victims of natural disasters.

The Asia-Pacific region is a very strategic region for cooperation in the economic and security fields. This makes this region very contested by the two countries of hegemony in the economic field, namely, China and the United States. To achieve these interests, China and the United States must contribute to the region, one of which is conducting Institutional balancing with institutions that are quite influential in the Asia-Pacific region such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Plus Three (APT), East Asia Summit (EAS). And this paper willdiscusswhy the United States changed its foreign policy from theMiddle East to Asia-Pacificregion. The dynamic of the regionshows thatChina plays an important role along with its national capability improvement. The increase in China's national capability is seen as a challenge to national interests, as well as security for the United States alliance states in the Asia-Pacific region. Using an analytical framework based on the Balance of Threat theory, the authorconcludes that there is a strong relation betweenChina's national capability improvements with the implementation of US rebalancing strategy to the Asia-Pacific region.

Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission. ; Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission.

Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia need to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps have been taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both the domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may well finally push it into more actively finding better ways of fullfilling this mission.

In 1942, proletarian writer, Takeda Rintarō, was sent from Japan to the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia) as part of the Sendenbu (propaganda squad), where he led the literature section in the Keimin Bunka Shidōshō (cultural center) in Jakarta. Jawa sarasa documents Takeda Rintaro's activities and cultural experiences in Java, Indonesia, after he returned to Japan in 1944. Most Japanese literature and cultural writings about Nanyō or Nanpō ("South Islands" - South Asia and the Pacific, including Indonesia) from this era reference the concept of Imperialism in Asia. In the pre-war period, stereotypes such as dojin (local primitive) and tōmin (islander) defined South Island people as being lesser than or "other" than the Japanese people. Japanese literary depictions of tropical Eden's and exotic "uncivilized people" reflect similar perceptions and writings by Western authors towards Asia in the 19th century. This paper explores Takeda Rintarō's perspectives of "otherness" in prewar discourses about Indonesia. Through the influence of "The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" propaganda concept, the ideology of "sameness" was becoming a hegemonic cultural idea in Takeda's writings about Indonesia. Conversely, however, Takeda's depiction of the double-occupation of Java, with the political rule of Holland and economic domination of daily life by Chinese immigrants, implied criticism of Japan's administrative policies regarding economic exploitation in Java. Takeda's criticisms of Japanese policy are bedded in his emotion for the nature, culture and people of Indonesia.

The purpose of this study is to explain how ASEAN solved problems in stabilizing their territory. As we know the formation of ASEAN as a regional organization of Southeast Asia is to liberate countries in Southeast Asia from the influence of The Great Powers. This is in line with the realism that deeply bound within ASEAN. Ahead of the 15th anniversary of the formation of ASEAN, there was a major conflict between Vietnam and Cambodia, precisely in the 1970s. This is one of the catalysts that destabilize the ASEAN's stances to avoid various types of multilateral relations. The method used in this research is qualitative with historical analysis from various literatures. After successfully resolving the conflict, in 1994 ASEAN established ARF as a workplace to discuss security in Asia, in order to facilitate such conflicts to occur again. ARF members are not only ASEAN countries but also superpowers. This is contrary to the foundation of ASEAN itself. In essence it shows that realism is willing to subdue with liberalism.

Currently there are no indicators that can measure the effectiveness of the role of ASEAN in Southeast Asia, especially those related to human security issues in the safety of labor and migrants' mobilization. However, ASEAN still working through any possibilities of cooperation to prevent any threats that would endanger the personal securities of ASEAN community. This paper will further analyze the human security issues in Southeast Asia starting with conceptualizing, identifying, and engaging to find how is the effectivity of ASEAN in charge of prevent human security issues from sociology of law perspective with normative-juridical methodology combined with perspective of international relation approach. Based on the findings in conceptual and data, this research will show the problems that have been handled and have not been done by ASEAN institutionally. In addition to showing the relevance of the establishment of ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC) 2015 as an affirmation for all ASEAN member countries to respond to institutional human security issues especially in the mobilization of labor and migrants.

This study aims to understand e-government implementation in ATM Samsat services at Samsat Office of East Surabaya as well as the factors that obstruct the e-government based services implementation. The main idea of this study is the use of ATM Samsat smartcard service has not yet reached the target realization. E-Government project failure factors theory from Anthopoulos et.al.(2015) were used in this study with the instrument such as ICT and system development process. This study uses qualitative descriptive methods. The results indicates that the e-government implementation in ATM Samsat services were found in a form of phase simplification from motor vehicle tax payments by using smartcard. Furthermore, ICT and system development process were the factors that obstruct the e-government based services implementation. whereas ICT and system development process obstructs because ATM Samsat system were more complex than the manual system. Less socialization over the society also take effect because it was only done once which is when its launching.

ASEAN as a regional organization is currently in an effort to develop cooperation in the form of the ASEAN Community. The formation of the ASEAN Community is based on three pillars, where one of the pillars is the political-security pillar (ASEAN Political-Security Community / APSC) who faces the most dynamic challenges related to security issues in the Southeast Asia. This security issue certainly has an influence on interactions both among intra-regional states and with extra-regional states. This paper aims to analysis the challenges and opportunities faced by the ASEAN political-security community to strengthen cooperation in dealing with security issues in the Southeast Asian. This paper is based on a constructivism analysis of the formation of a security community. This paper will get an overview of the challenges and opportunities faced in the realization of cooperation to tackle security issues in the Southeast Asia region within the framework of the APSC. The description of these challenges and opportunities can be the basis for analyzing what strategies must be done to encourage the realization of the APSC in accordance with what is expected by the members states.