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The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.

Osnovni je cilj ovog rada utvrditi potencijalno učinkovit smjer razvoja politike razvojne suradnje Republike Hrvatske kao države članice Europske unije i države donatora. Radom se predlaže praćenje globalnih i europskih trendova razvoja te politike primjenom modela delegirane razvojne suradnje kojim je moguće ostvarivati vlastite ciljeve i stjecati koristi ne upotrebljavajući isključivo vlastita nacionalna sredstva i resurse, nego podjelom donatorskih aktivnosti, uz ekspertize i resurse svih uključenih donatora te istodobno ostvarivanje učinkovitih rezultata. Imajući u vidu ograničene financijske resurse za provedbu te politike te preuzete obveze primarno spram Europske unije, provedena analiza u radu ukazuje na model delegirane razvojne suradnje kao na moguće strateško opredjeljenje Republike Hrvatske u provedbi predmetne politike u idućem razdoblju. Holistički pristup razvoju te politike, specijalizacija za određena područja djelovanja te integracija s drugim donatorima identificirani su kao predstojeći izazovi za Republiku Hrvatsku, a ujedno i kao preduvjeti primjene modela delegirane razvojne suradnje. ; The main aim of this study is to determine possible strategic guidance for increasing the effectiveness of implementing the development cooperation policy in the Republic of Croatia, bearing in mind its membership of the European Union and the fact that, since 2011, the Republic of Croatia has been officially classified as an international donor. Thus, taking into consideration the limited financial resources available for the implementation of this policy, the analysis in this study proposes a model of delegated cooperation as a possible strategic commitment on the part of the Republic of Croatia in policy implementation in the coming period. The delegated cooperation model should be considered in the context of the Republic of Croatia's meeting its commitments towards the European Union and the global donor community, as well as guidance for alignment with current global donor trends in policy implementation. Furthermore, it should be seen as beneficial in terms of achieving the visibility of the Republic of Croatia as a donor country, its proliferation through comparative advantage, and the withdrawal of European Union funds in order to achieve its own benefits and ultimate fulfillment of global development goals. In order to achieve this, structural changes should be introduced regarding the necessary political commitments and appropriate institutional and procedural reforms. In this respect, the need to introduce changes in the existing political system of the Republic of Croatia should be considered.

Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.

Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.

Ovaj članak proučava razvoj rumunjsko-jugoslavenskih odnosa od 1948. do 1964. godine. Istražuju se dva različita razdoblja u njihovim odnosima. Prvo je od 1948. do 1953. godine, kad je došlo do sovjetsko-jugoslavenskog i rumunjsko-jugoslavenskog sukoba koji je, zapravo, predstavljao presedan koji će postupno razoriti jedinstvo socijalističkog tabora. Za drugo razdoblje (od 1954. do 1964.) vezani su početak normalizacije i zbližavanje Bukurešta i Beograda. To je odgovaralo njihovim nacionalnim interesima i predstavljalo je protutežu politici supersila. U vanjskoj politici dviju zemalja odražavali su se ideološka neslaganja i potreba za društveno-ekonomskim razvojem, a osjećao se i snažan utjecaj i iz komunističkog bloka i izvan njega. ; This article examines the evolution of the Romanian-Yugoslav relations from 1948 to1964. The study explores two different periods in the relations of these two countries. The first period was from 1948 to 1953, when the Soviet-Yugoslav and Roman-Yugoslav conflicts occurred, practically constituting a precedent that would gradually ruin the unity of the socialist camp. The second period (1954 – 1964) corresponds with the beginning of the normalization, bringing Bucharest and Belgrade even closer and aiming to satisfy their national interests and counterbalance the policy of the superpowers. Ideological divergences and the need for socio-economic development were reflected in the character of the foreign policies of the two countries, which were under a strong influence of interventions from inside and outside the communist bloc.

Osim globalnih organizacija, u svijetu je formiran i velik broj regionalnih organizacija koje djeluju na svim kontinentima. Početni oblik integracije bilo je formiranje Zone slobodne trgovine, zatim Carinske unije, Zajedničkog tržišta, Monetarne unije, pa sve do najsloženijeg oblika Ekonomske unije. Danas sve zemlje svijeta sudjeluju u nekim oblicima integracija, dok su neke članice i više regionalnih organizacija. Proces integracije nije lak i jednostavan put, već dugotrajan i složen. Neki od razloga zašto se zemlje odlučuju ući u razne regionalne ekonomske organizacije su proširenje svog tržišta, povećanje konkurentnosti, bolje korištenje resursa, efikasnija proizvodnja i sl. Integracija podrazumijeva da se zemlje članice prilagode određenim pravilima, te da se povežu u smislu razvijanje međusobne suradnje i da tako ostvare cilj radi kojeg se organizacija i formirala. Kao primjer najuspješnije regionalne ekonomske organizacije zasigurno je Europska unija koja se formirala još davne 1951. godine te djeluje i danas s time da povećava broj svojih članica te širi svoj teritorij na Europskom kontinentu. ; In addition to global organizations, a lot of regional organizations have been formed across all continents. The initial form of integration was the establishment of a Free-trade zone, then a Customs Union, a Common Market, a Monetary Union, and finally the most complex form of organization an Economic Union. Today all countries in the world participate in some form of integration, and some even participate in multiple regional organizations. The integration process is not an easy and simple process, but a long and complex one. Some of the reasons why countries decide to participate in various regional economic organizations are the expansion of their markets, increase of competitiveness, better use of resources, more efficient production etc. The integration means that Member States have to conform to certain rules, and to connect in terms of development cooperation, in order to achieve the goal for which the organization was formed. An example of one the most successful regional economic organizations is certainly the European Union, which was formed back in 1951. It is still active today, increasing the number of its members and expanding its territory on the European continent.

Osim globalnih organizacija, u svijetu je formiran i velik broj regionalnih organizacija koje djeluju na svim kontinentima. Početni oblik integracije bilo je formiranje Zone slobodne trgovine, zatim Carinske unije, Zajedničkog tržišta, Monetarne unije, pa sve do najsloženijeg oblika Ekonomske unije. Danas sve zemlje svijeta sudjeluju u nekim oblicima integracija, dok su neke članice i više regionalnih organizacija. Proces integracije nije lak i jednostavan put, već dugotrajan i složen. Neki od razloga zašto se zemlje odlučuju ući u razne regionalne ekonomske organizacije su proširenje svog tržišta, povećanje konkurentnosti, bolje korištenje resursa, efikasnija proizvodnja i sl. Integracija podrazumijeva da se zemlje članice prilagode određenim pravilima, te da se povežu u smislu razvijanje međusobne suradnje i da tako ostvare cilj radi kojeg se organizacija i formirala. Kao primjer najuspješnije regionalne ekonomske organizacije zasigurno je Europska unija koja se formirala još davne 1951. godine te djeluje i danas s time da povećava broj svojih članica te širi svoj teritorij na Europskom kontinentu. ; In addition to global organizations, a lot of regional organizations have been formed across all continents. The initial form of integration was the establishment of a Free-trade zone, then a Customs Union, a Common Market, a Monetary Union, and finally the most complex form of organization an Economic Union. Today all countries in the world participate in some form of integration, and some even participate in multiple regional organizations. The integration process is not an easy and simple process, but a long and complex one. Some of the reasons why countries decide to participate in various regional economic organizations are the expansion of their markets, increase of competitiveness, better use of resources, more efficient production etc. The integration means that Member States have to conform to certain rules, and to connect in terms of development cooperation, in order to achieve the goal for which the ...

Svrha je rada upozoriti na osobitu važnost suradnje država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem, napose u prostoru izvan područja suverenosti obalnih država. U radu se stoga objašnjava međunarodnopravni okvir za aktivnosti država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem. Pritom je naglasak stavljen na jurisdikciju država za provođenje prisilnih mjera protiv brodova kojima se krijumčare migranti. Izlaganje polazi od općih pravila koja uređuju jurisdikciju država na otvorenom moru, a danas su kodificirana u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o pravu mora iz 1982. Potom je fokus usmjeren na posebna pravila u vezi s krijumčarenjem migranata na moru sadržanima u Protokolu protiv krijumčarenja migranata kopnom, morem i zrakom, prihvaćenu uz Konvenciju UN-a protiv transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminaliteta iz 2000., gdje je u čl. 7. Protokola podcrtana upravo dužnost suradnje država stranaka "na sprječavanju i suzbijanju krijumčarenja migranata morem, u skladu s međunarodnim pravom mora". Protokol protiv krijumčarenja migranata u svome članku 17., štoviše, potiče države ugovornice na "sklapanje dvostranih ili regionalnih sporazuma ili operativnih dogovora ili suglasnosti" radi njegove bolje implementacije. U tom su smislu prikazani i evaluirani oblici bilateralne i multilateralne regionalne suradnje država s naglaskom na Mediteran, uzimajući napose u obzir suradnju država članica Europske unije preko Agencije za europsku graničnu i obalnu stražu (Frontex). K tomu, dan je osvrt na Rezoluciju Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a br. 2240 (2015) koja državama članicama UN-a daje izvanredne jurisdikcijske ovlasti na otvorenom moru pred obalama Libije, a služi kao pravni temelj za djelovanje mornaričke operacije EU-a EUNAVFOR Med "Sophia" u okviru Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike. ; The aim of the paper is to highlight the particular importance of interstate cooperation in combating migrant smuggling by sea, notably in waters beyond the sovereignty of coastal states. In explaining the international legal framework for the activities of states in combating migrant smuggling by sea, emphasis is put on the jurisdiction of states to take enforcement measures against vessels that are engaged in migrant smuggling. First, the general rules concerning the jurisdiction of states on the high seas are discussed, which are codified today in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982. Thereafter, the focus is on the special rules regarding migrant smuggling by sea, as comprised in the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air of 2000, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Article 7 of the Protocol indeed emphasizes the duty of states parties to "cooperate to the fullest extent possible to prevent and suppress the smuggling of migrants by sea, in accordance with the international law of the sea." Article 17 of the Migrant Smuggling Protocol furthermore encourages states parties to "consider the conclusion of bilateral or regional agreements or operational arrangements or understandings" with a view to enhancing the Protocol's implementation. In that respect the paper examines and evaluates forms of bilateral and regional cooperation between states with an emphasis on the Mediterranean, and especially considers the cooperation between the member states of the European Union via the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). In addition, the UN Security Council Resolution 2240 (2015) is analyzed, since it grants the UN member states exceptional jurisdictional powers on the high seas off the Libyan coast and serves as the legal basis for the activities of EUNAVOR Med Sophia, an EU naval operation in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy.