This report illustrates the current state of inclusive business (IB) models in the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) economies, particularly the market potentials, constraints, and necessary policy instruments for an enabling environment for IB. A profile of IB initiatives, the overview of the base of the pyramid market size, and the IB ecosystem in each APEC economy as well as a recommended a framework to guide future work on IB under the APEC regional economic cooperation agenda are also included in this report.
Doing Business sheds light on how easy or difficult it is for a local entrepreneur to open and run a small to medium-size business when complying with relevant regulations. It measures and tracks changes in regulations affecting 11 areas in the life cycle of a business: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts, resolving insolvency and labor market regulation. Doing Business 2016 presents the data for the labor market regulation indicators in an annex. The report does not present rankings of economies on labor market regulation indicators or include the topic in the aggregate distance to frontier score or ranking on the ease of doing business. This regional profile presents the Doing Business indicators for economies in Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). It also shows the regional average, the best performance globally for each indicator and data for the following comparator regions: East Asia and the Pacific (EAP), European Union (EU), Latin America, OECD High Income and South Asia (SA). The data in this report are current as of June 1, 2015 (except for the paying taxes indicators, which cover the period January–December 2014).Series: Doing business 2016
Fuel subsidies are widespread and debated extensively. The issues with these subsidies are fully acknowledged by many energy economists; however, the total subsidy level remains high. This is because energy subsidies are often closely related to the political economy viewpoint. Moreover, the rationale underlying fossil fuel subsidies, particularly concerning political, economic, and social contexts, is to reduce energy poverty, ensure access to energy, and redistribute the wealth that stems from the exploitation of national resources. Although there is considerable controversy surrounding the efficiency of these policies, energy subsidies confer private benefits on particular interest groups and, once implemented, tend to persist. This paper discusses and models various aspects of the political economy of fuel subsidy reform in selected Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) economies. Applying a panel data set from the period 1991-2018, the paper provides an empirical analysis of the economic and political perspectives of fuel prices in APEC countries resulting from the elimination of fossil fuel subsidization policies. Our findings robustly support the current economic trend of those governments that have decided to phase out fossil fuel energy policies. Based on these findings, we conclude that a range of economic, political, and social parameters systematically influence fuel prices.
A longer life brings opportunities for older adults and their families as well as for their communities. Commercial businesses can be successful in innovating on these opportunities and achieving business expansion when they better understand the market dynamics and spectrum of older adults as consumers and view them more as assets rather than as burdens to society. While there is no "typical" older adult consumer, some traits, characteristics, and physical realities may be more common, including those related to family and community, the shopping experience, brand marketing and packaging, food and nutrition, and health. The opportunities of longer life are impacted by health and underscore the importance of positive, healthy aging-related behaviors like good nutrition and active lifestyles. Healthy aging also requires a sustained commitment and action from country leaders to formulate evidence-based polices--like systematic nutrition screening and intervention—and healthcare workforce training and education that can strengthen and support an active aging population. In addition, governments should consider engaging commercial businesses to help set sustainable policies that can advance products for older adults. Finally, governments should set national and local goals to incentivize commercial business development and investment in public-private partnerships to improve quality of care, promote healthy aging, and impact outcomes for noncommunicable diseases, ultimately benefitting population health for Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) countries.
Taiwan has had discriminatory trade and investment policies towards China, severely limiting economic engagement across the Strait. Not having free and open trade with China, one of the largest and most important parts of the East Asian economy, has resulted in Taiwan's underperforming in attracting foreign direct investment, effectively cut Taiwan off from participating fully in East Asian production networks and prevented the deepening of its specialisation in the regional and international economy. The Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement is a watershed in cross-Strait relations and gives Taiwan the opportunity to integrate more fully into the East Asian economy. There is pressure now for Taiwan to pursue preferential trade deals with other countries. This is not the best way forward; rather, Taiwan should pursue a multilateral trade strategy and focus on domestic reforms that will bring larger economic gains, economic diversification and avoid the political risks to the cross-Strait relationship associated with preferential deals.
Taiwan has had discriminatory trade and investment policies towards China, severely limiting economic engagement across the Strait. Not having free and open trade with China, one of the largest and most important parts of the East Asian economy, has resulted in Taiwan's underperforming in attracting foreign direct investment, effectively cut Taiwan off from participating fully in East Asian production networks and prevented the deepening of its specialisation in the regional and international economy. The Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement is a watershed in cross-Strait relations and gives Taiwan the opportunity to integrate more fully into the East Asian economy. There is pressure now for Taiwan to pursue preferential trade deals with other countries. This is not the best way forward; rather, Taiwan should pursue a multilateral trade strategy and focus on domestic reforms that will bring larger economic gains, economic diversification and avoid the political risks to the cross-Strait relationship associated with preferential deals.
China's economic emergence of the last decade has amazed and alarmed analysts all over the globe. No where is alarm more apparent than in the United States, where there is a distinct fear that industries and jobs will be overwhelmed by cheaper Chinese substitutes. This fear is manifesting itself in protectionist trade policies and bipartisan political criticism. The problems currently plaguing the two nations are not easily solved. A soaring trade imbalance and claims of currency manipulation by the Chinese, stand side by side with strategic concerns over Taiwan and accusations of serious human rights abuses. These issues require innovative, long term solutions. It is in searching for these solutions, that the role of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) needs to be considered. More importantly, the viability of the recently proposed Free Trade Area of the Asia- Pacific (FTAAP) working to facilitating solutions to the problems between the two nations needs to be duly considered. The collapse of the multilateral round of global trade liberalisation has given new impetus to those advocating an FTAAP. Regrettably, despite the well recorded benefits of free trade and the projected gains from an FTAAP, there are many barriers which will prevent further progress on the initiative. The inadequate organisational structure of APEC and the need for the organisation to move away from its core principles of consensus based voluntary, non-binding and non-discriminatory trade liberalisation present serious challenges to the negotiation and implementation of an FTAAP. Currently in the U.S there is an ominous tone to trade liberalisation talks, particularly so with regards to China. Historical trends link large trade imbalances to increases in protectionist trade policies. Today, these protectionist policies are damaging the push for further global trade liberalisation and will undoubtedly limit the chances of an FTAAP succeeding. In conjunction with a general disdain for and misunderstanding of the benefits from trade liberalisation, many U.S politicians are taking a distinctly 'anti-China' stance. Trade policies aimed specifically at Chinese imports will only increase prices for American consumers and shift demand to the next low cost producer, leaving the overall balance of payments unaffected. Given the key role the U.S plays in APEC, these domestic trends will have a significant impact upon any FTAAP negotiations, and may harm any pushes for new trade initiatives such as the FTAAP. Over the last decade there has been a significant increase in the number of Preferential Trading Agreements in the APEC region. These agreements, many of which emerged in response to the collapsing round of global trade liberalisation negotiations, introduce new inefficiencies and discriminatory trade policies into the region. The prospect of an FTAAP working to untangle this 'spaghetti bowl' of agreements is one of the main arguments put forward by advocates. Unfortunately, despite the economic merits of encompassing the multiplicity of agreements in one overarching accord, the reality is that the diversity and contradictory nature of these agreements will make any attempt at convergence a difficult task. The probability of an FTAAP providing a vehicle in which the problems between the U.S and China can be addressed is in reality very small. Theoretically the initiative could work to reduce bilateral tensions whilst providing substantial economic benefits to all APEC members. Unfortunately, the barriers to achieving a successful completion of FTAAP negotiations and realising these benefits and are considerable. Correspondingly, using negotiations for an FTAAP to address U.S-China problems may indeed prove to be an impossible dream.
This essay focuses on regional economic cooperation and the Foundation's pivotal role in supporting multilateral discussion, negotiation, and engagement that led to the creation of significant regional institutions, most notably Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC).
This essay focuses on regional economic cooperation and the Foundation's pivotal role in supporting multilateral discussion, negotiation, and engagement that led to the creation of significant regional institutions, most notably Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC).
by Wong Tze-Kin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 191-199). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.i ; ABSTRACTS --- p.ii ; LIST OF TABLES AND DIAGRAM --- p.ix ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.x ; Chapter PART ONE: --- APEC AND THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION ; CHAPTER ; Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background: the First APEC Meeting in 1989 --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Thesis Statement --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Propositions of Thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptual Framework --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Premises --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- The Political Economy of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- International Cooperation and the Differentiation between Strong Regimes and Weak Regimes --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3.4 --- "Functions of Regimes: Information, Institutional Nesting and Cross Issues-Linkage" --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Sources of Materials and Organization of the Study --- p.20 ; Chapter II. --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Concepts of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Theories of Cooperation Among States --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Realist Theories --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Neo-Liberal Institutional ism --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Remarks --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of APEC --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Objectives of APEC --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Constraints on APEC --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Theoretical Implications of APEC --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.39 ; Chapter PART TWO: --- "INTERDEPENDENCE, INDIVIDUAL VISIONS AND THE BIRTH OF APEC" ; Chapter III. --- THE CREATION OF APEC AND INCENTIVES OF ORIGINAL PLAYERS --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Interdependence and the Development of Non-governmental Organizations in the Asia-Pacific Region --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Historical Development of Non-governmental Organizations --- p.41 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Problems of Economic Cooperation in the ...
This book reviews progress with regional cooperation and integration in Asia and the Pacific and explores how it can be reshaped to achieve a more resilient, sustainable, and inclusive future. Consisting of papers contributed by renowned scholars and Asian Development Bank staff, the book covers four major areas: public goods, trade and investment, financial cooperation, and regional health cooperation. The book emphasizes how the region can better leverage regional integration to realize its vast potential as well as overcome challenges such as the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic.
The Central Asian republics are rich in energy resources: three of them (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan) can boast of oil and gas deposits, while the other two (Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan) have vast hydropower potential. This means that harmonized energy policy designed to meet their demands in energy, energy exports, and stronger positions in ensuring international energy security makes sense. By the same token, these countries can, potentially, develop metallurgy, machine building, and light industry as their industrial priorities. In fact, deeper integration in these fields will add efficiency to their efforts to fully tap the region's industrial potential. Integration in the agricultural sector with a view to developing, some time in the future, the common agrarian market is another local priority. Transport is the field in which integration is even more welcome: the region's transit potential will expand the trade and economic ties among the local states and revive the Great Silk Road. The present level of mutual trade has not yet reached the highest possible level of economic cooperation: the share of its Central Asian neighbors in Kazakhstan's trade turnover is about 0.6 percent (in 2006, Kyrgyzstan's share in Kazakhstan's trade turnover was a meager 0.7 percent; Tajikistan's share, 0.3 percent; Uzbekistan's, 1.1 percent, and Turkmenistan's, 0.2 percent). This means that deeper regional integration has become a priority and a factor of the local countries' faster economic growth, higher living standards, and stability. An analysis of the local states' social and economic development revealed that all of them have finally achieved positive rates of economic growth. In 2006, the average GDP growth rate of four of them (Turkmenistan is excluded) was 6.9 percent, while the growth rate of industrial production amounted to 3 percent. At the same time, the level of economic development and market transformations differs from country to country. In Uzbekistan, for example, the state has a great role to play in economic management, which should be changed to create a favorable investment climate. In Kyrgyzstan, the fairly complicated local politics and strife among the local political groups pushes the economy and the standard of living into the background. The investment climate cannot be described as inviting. Tajikistan and Turkmenistan are the region's poorest states. Tajikistan is burdened with enormous foreign debt; its inefficient economy cannot cope with the social problems and ensure economic growth. In Turkmenistan, the political system set up by late President Niyazov hampers democratic and market development in the country. Kazakhstan, on the other hand, has surged ahead in its socioeconomic development, even though the country still relies on its raw-material sector and still has problems in the agrarian sphere. It remains under-funded, unable to rationally spend the budget money allocated to it and to master new technologies. The countryside and agricultural production are still in a sad state. The processing sector remains uncompetitive.
With three-quarters of Asia-Pacific countries currently facing water scarcity and the vast majority of the region's river basins categorised as transboundary, water managers in the region need to manage water resources in a cooperative manner that promotes sustainable development. Numerous macro trends in the region make this challenging: rapid urbanisation and economic growth, and increased demand for energy and food along with the impacts of climate change. In Europe, the Danube River Basin also faces challenges to water quality and quantity. As Europe has developed a strategy to increase the river basin's water quality and quantity, best practices and lessons learned regarding integrated water resources management in the Danube River Basin can be transferred to the Asia-Pacific region.
This empirical study examines the determinant of economic growth among Asia Pacific countries. While many other studies focused on specific economies with particular determinants identified from previous studies, this study expands the boundaries of countries to examine different factors that are expected to affect the economic growth in Asia Pacific countries. Estimation results of this study are based on the analysis of a panel data for the period 1994–2011. The impact of total population, industry share of GNI, interest rate, gross fixed capital formation, and tax rate are statistically examined to be strongly significant for the whole sample. In the case of government expenditure and trade openness, they are examined to be significant to some degree. Finally, though human capital is expected to be the main driver of economic growth, the result from correlation analysis revealed that there is a high correlation between expenditure on education and health. To show the impact of human capital on economic growth in Asia Pacific countries, estimation with years of schooling may enhance the study instead of using expenditure on education and health.
