Suchergebnisse

The European Union is stated that promoting human rights, rule of law and democracy is one of the main objectives of the EU foreign policy. It was endorsed in the EU official document such as European Consensus on Development (2005) and also EU Strategy towards Central Asia. The thesis analyses the promotion of the EU value towards Central Asian countries, namely: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan Because of the isolation of the Turkmenistan, it was impossible to include the country in the research paper. In order to analyze the promotion level, it was decided to scrutinize the EU instruments such as EIDHR, human rights dialogue and civil society seminars. The European Union adopted the Strategy towards Central Asian countries in 2007 and this document expands the relation between European Union and Central Asia. Therefore, the thesis analyses the corporation of the both sides before and after the adaptation of the Strategy. Issues of cooperation in terms of the human rights and rule of law between the European Union and Kazakhstan are analyzed as a case study. At the conclusion, the promotion of the values assessed and the conclusion outlined for the corporation in the field of human rights and the rule of law between European Union and Central Asian countries.

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or "colorful"), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) "building" is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the society, what will keep the political system of CA states stable in the long run. External factor in case of stability in Central Asia is secondary, but presumed balance of power between Russia and China in the region is going to become its additional guarantee.

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or "colorful"), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) "building" is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the society, what will keep the political system of CA states stable in the long run. External factor in case of stability in Central Asia is secondary, but presumed balance of power between Russia and China in the region is going to become its additional guarantee.

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or "colorful"), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) "building" is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the society, what will keep the political system of CA states stable in the long run. External factor in case of stability in Central Asia is secondary, but presumed balance of power between Russia and China in the region is going to become its additional guarantee.

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or "colorful"), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) "building" is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the society, what will keep the political system of CA states stable in the long run. External factor in case of stability in Central Asia is secondary, but presumed balance of power between Russia and China in the region is going to become its additional guarantee.

1980'li yılların sonuna doğru yaşanan gelişmeler, Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği'nin dağılmasına ve birçok yeni devletin bağımsızlıklarını kazanmasını yol açmıştır. Bu devletlerden Azerbaycan, Kazakistan, Özbekistan, Türkmenistan ve Kırgızistan, Türkiye ile tarih, köken, dil ve din bakımından ortak noktalara sahiptir. Bağımsızlık sonrasında bölgede bir entegrasyona dair fikirler telaffuz edilmeye başlanmıştır. Birçok teorisyen, bölgede oluşan boşluk sonrasında dünya siyasetinde Avrasya'nın gelecekte üstleneceği role dair çıkarımlarda bulunmuşlardır. Tüm bu gelişmeler, Avrasya ve Orta Asya'da birçok uluslararası oluşumu da beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu, Avrupa Birliği'ne entegrasyon sürecinden geçen Türkiye için de bir fırsat olarak algılanarak, bağımsızlığını yeni kazanmış Türk Cumhuriyetleri ile ekonomik, siyasi ve kültürel ilişkilerini geliştirmesi beklenmiştir. Türkiye, rasyonel ilişkiler kurabilecek ve gerekli girişimleri yaparak bütünleşme senaryolarını lehine kullanabilecek midir? Diğer taraftan Rusya Federasyonu için, Avrasya bölgesinin ve Orta Asya devletlerinin doğal zenginliklerinden faydalanmak ve bu avantajı diğer küresel güçlere kaptırmamak önemli hedeflerden biridir. Kimilerine göre tek süper güç olarak nitelenen Amerika Birleşik Devletlerinin bölgedeki doğalgaz, petrol ve diğer enerji kaynaklarının kontrolüne yönelik politikalar izlemesi, olası Avrasya Birliği senaryolarını daha da zayıflatmaktadır. Bölge, zamanla küresel güçlerin üzerinde stratejik oyunlar oynadığı bir 'satranç tahtası'na dönüşmüştür. Avrasya ve özellikle Orta Asya'daki devletler arasındaki güvenlik sorunları ve etnik anlaşmazlıklar da göz önünde bulundurulduğunda, olası bir bütünleşmenin gerçekleşmesi giderek daha da zorlaşmaktadır. Bütün bu olgular çerçevesinde bölgenin gelecekte nasıl şekilleneceği ile ilgili analizler önem arz etmektedir. ; The developments in international politics towards the end of 1980's, finally lead to the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991 and as a consequence, new independent states have emerged in Eurasia. Among these states, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan had common historical, ethnic, religious and linguistic ties with Turkey. After gaining independence, ideas on regional integration has been started to be discussed. Many doctrinaires developed arguments on the more effective role of Eurasia countries on regional and world politics and concluded that the authority gap would be filled by these states. These new political movements and existence of new states also lead to the foundation of new International Organizations in Eurasia and Central Asia. On the other hand, for Turkey who is on the way through the integration process to European Union, these developments have been considered as new opportunities. Based on the historical and geographical ties of Turkey with the region, the country was expected to develop economical, political and cultural relations with new independent Turkic republics. Could Turkey benefit from this new status, set up rational relations and take political actions for the realization of integration scenarios with these new states? On the other hand, it is crucial for Russian Federation to take advantage of the entire natural resources of Eurasian and Central Asian countries, and not to lose this favourable position against the other global powers. USA, who is considered as the only super power according to some perspectives, also adopts a policy for controlling all natural gas reserves, petroleum and energy sources in the region, and this policy is implicitly weakening the possible Eurasia Union scenarios. In the course of time, the region has become like a "chess board", on which the global powers play strategy games. Considering the security problems and the ethnic conflicts between the Eurasia states and especially the Central Asian states, it can be said that any possible integration in the region is becoming more difficult day by day. Therefore, the analyses regarding how the region will be reshaped have a great importance.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

This Final Master thesis is designeded to investigate the Western political economy model applicability to change Asian model in its region. During the Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 Korea republic (further South Korea) asked the IMF financial aid and accepted all the conditions and made many reforms in the country. Those reforms were directed into liberalizing the market, open up to foreign investors and to create more attractive foreign direct investment (further FDI) climate in S.Korea. This was about to change theretofore exited Asian political economy model into more liberal Western model. The problem – could IMF reforms help to recover countries' economies more effective and sharply after the crisis? Could those IMF reforms be successfully adjusted into any environment? The object – political-economical indicators of Japan and S.Korea. Objective of investigation – to find out if IMF reforms in S.Korea helped to recover its economy more rapidly and successfully than in Japan, where IMF reforms were not implemented. From objective the hypothesis that after investigation will be confirmed or rejected appear: Hypothesis – IMF improved political-economical indicators in S.Korea more sharply than Japan, where the government did not implemented any IMF reforms. Regarding to the fact that IMF reforms were designeded to implement Western political economy model into Asia country – S.Korea, confirmation of the hypothesis would also prove that Western model could be successfully adapted into other totally diferent environment. Tasks: • To select specific aspects of political economy which could concretize the investigation; • To select specific case for investigation; • To analyse IMF role and reforms during the Asia Financial Crisis; • To compare impact of IMF reforms in S.Korea with Japan's case; • To confirm or reject the hypothesis. The methods of investigation. There are used comparative method, regression analysis with statistical "Gretl" program, correlation, using Microsoft Excel program and diferent sources analysis. The results: before the Asia crisis many indicators of Japan were much better that in S.Korea. After the Asia Financial Crisis when S.Korea's government implemented IMF reforms, the indicators of S.Korea improved much sharply than Japan's and were much better now than in Japan where no IMF reforms were implemented. The findings: the IMF reforms that were implemented into S.Korea after the Asia Financial Crisis successfully and sharply helped country to recover from stagnation. In Japan where Japan's government did not implemented any IMF reforms recovery was much slower. The IMF reforms initiated adaption of Western model in S.Korea and by that the hypothesis was confirmed – Western political economy model can be successfully ajusted into totally diferent environment. For further investigation some recommendations are given: • To analyse the employment rate in S.Korea's local and foreign capital companies. That could help to analyse the impact of IMF reforms on unemployment rate in long term; • To make a survey of foreign companies that made FDI into Japan and S.Korea before and after the crisis. This could help to find out what tangible effect of reforms that were made in Japan and S.Korea after the crisis for the reason to improve the climate for foreign investment was and what are the main weaknesses that remain.

Bu çalışmada Orta Asya'da meydana gelen Modernleşme süresi kapsamında bölgede ve Özbekistan'da yaşanan Modernleşme süreci, bu sürecin sebep ve sonuçları incelenmektedir. Bu kapsamda Çarlık Rusyası tarafından bölgeye taşınan Batı tarzı Modernleşmenin Orta Asya/Özbekistan'daki gelişimi, Modernleşmeye verilen tepkiler ve cevaplar, bölgenin Modernleşmeye verdiği cevaplardan birisi olan Ceditçilik Hareketi temel alınarak analiz edilmektedir. Bunu yaparken dönemselleştirmeye gidilmiştir. Orta Asya bölgesi ile Özbekistan'ın ve Modernleşme sürecinin izlediği tarihi seyir Çarlık Rusyası İdaresi, Sovyetler Birliği Dönemi, Bağımsızlık Sonrası Yeni Bağımsız Özbekistan olarak dönemlere ayrılmış ve bu dönemleri incelemek için Ruslaşmak, Sovyetleşmek, Özbekleşmek ve İslamlaşmak isimli dört ana başlık kullanılmıştır. Ancak bu konu başlıkları açıklanmaya çalışılan süreçler tarihi seyir içinde bir arada bulunabildiği için Sovyetleşmek-Özbekleşmek, Özbekleşmek-İslamlaşmak gibi kavram çiftleri türetilmiş ve kullanılma yoluna gidilmiştir. Orta Asya ve Özbekistan'a Batı tarzı Modernleşme Çarlık Rusyası tarafından bu bölgedeki mevcudiyetini desteklemek için getirilmiş ve yönetiminin kalıcı olmasına yardımcı bir araç olarak görülmüştür. Bu yönetimin Orta Asya toplumunun bir kesiminde yarattığı etki Ceditçilik Hareketini ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bölgede modernizmin kendisi ve sebep olduğu etkilerle başa çıkabilmek için onun usul ve yöntemlerini kullanmayı ve Modernizmle uyumlu olmayı savunan Ceditçilere tepki gelişmiştir. Bu tepkinin kaynağı olan Muhafazakâr grup-Kadimciler ise çözümün korumacı ve muhafazakâr bir tutum geliştirmekte yattığını savunmuşlardır. Sırasıyla Ceditçilere ve Modernleşmeye ayrıca Çarlık Rusyası ve Sovyet İdaresine tepki olarak Modern olan her şeyin reddini savunmuşlardır. Ancak bu tutumu istikrarlı bir şekilde sürdürmemişler karşı oldukları bu sisteminin sağladığı faydaları kullanma konusunda pragmatik bir tutum takınmışlardır. Buna en güzel örnek II. Dünya Savaşı ve sonrasındaki dönemde parti kadrolarında oluşan boşlukların muhafazakârların yoğun olduğu kırsal kesimden gelen gençlere açılmasıdır.Modernleşme taraftarları Ceditçiler arasındaki önemli isimlerden birisi olan İsmail Gaspıralı ve ilk kuşak Ceditçiler Çarlık Rusya'sının bir gün devrini tamamlayıp dağılacağını, bu yüzden de o güne eğitim faaliyetleri yoluyla hazırlanılması gerektiğini savunurken, onlardan sonraki kuşak Ceditçiler ise bu amaçtan uzaklaşmaya ve Çarlık İdaresi içinde hak sahibi olmaya sıcak bakmaya başlamıştır. Bu durum 1917 Ekim Devriminden sonra daha da aleni bir hal alacak, Ceditçilerin bağımsızlık talepleri yerini yeni sistem içinde bir mevki işgal çabalarına bırakacaktır. Ancak bu kuşak daha sonraki yıllarda Sovyet idaresi tarafından yeteri kadar sadık bulunmadıkları için toptan tasfiye edilecektir. Bu tasfiye hareketine devam edilmesine Avrupa'da patlak veren II. Dünya Savaşı engel olmuş, Sovyetler Birliğini Orta Asya ile ilgili planlarını değiştirmeye mecbur bırakmıştır. Sovyetler Birliği kendini Nazi Almanya'sının saldırısından koruyabilmek için Sovyet sistemi yanlısı kadroları savaş meydanında kullanmıştır. Orta Asya ve Özbekistan'da onlardan boşalan kadrolara ise kırsal kesimden gelen eğitimsiz gençleri istihdam etmeye mecbur kalmıştır. İşte bu sayede kırsal bölgeye çekilen ve daha sonraki dönemlerde radikal hareketlerin de temelini oluşturacak olan Kadimci-radikal düşünce ve onun yansımaları devlet bürokrasisi içinde kendine yer bulabilmiştir. İlk olarak Brejnev dönemindeki kısmı gevşemeden yararlanarak varlığını hissettiren radikal hareketler 1991 yılında Sovyetler Birliğinin dağılmasından sonra yeniden gündelik ve siyasi hayatta söz sahibi olmaya çalışacaktır. Ancak bu girişimleri Sovyet Döneminde yetişen ve bağımsızlık sonrasındaki dönemde iktidarda kalmayı başaran Sovyet dönemi bakiyesi yönetici eliti endişelendirmiştir. Bunun sonucunda Özbekistan yönetimi kendisine muhalif gördüğü her şeyi önce baskı altına almayı denemiş daha sonra da ezmeye çalışmış, bunda da büyük oranda başarılı olmuştur. Özbek Devleti ve yönetiminin bu sert ve müsamahasız tutumu ülkedeki ılımlı ve barışçı kanat da dâhil olmak üzere muhalefetin tüm unsurlarının zamanla marjinalleşmesi ve radikalleşmesini beraberinde getirmiştir. Özellikle muhafazakâr gruplar içindeki radikal unsurlar Modernizmin ürünü ve yansıması olarak kabul ettikleri ülke yönetimi ve otoriter siyasi sisteme karşı sert bir tutum geliştirme yoluna gitmişlerdir. Gördükleri siyasi-psikolojik şiddetin de etkisi ile ülke muhalefeti ve bunun içindeki radikal unsurlar kendilerinin de Özbekistan'da yaşanan Modernleşme sürecinin bir sonucu olduklarını gözden kaçırır hale gelmiştir.Sonuç olarak birbirlerinden çok farklı gözükseler de, 20. Yüzyıl Orta Asya'sının Modernleşme yanlıları olan Ceditçiler ve onların muhalifi Kadimciler ve bağımsızlık sonrası dönemin radikalleri de dâhil olmak üzere, bahsedilen grupların hepsi Modernleşme sürecinin bir sonucudurlar. İşte bu çalışmada siyasi denklemin farklı taraflarında yer alan bu aktörlerin birbirlerini besleyen ve üreten, değiştirip, dönüştüren bir süreç ortaya çıkardıklarına ve bu sürecin sonucu olduklarına vurgu yapılmaktadır. --- In this doctoral dissertation, the modernization process which Central Asian region and Uzbekistan experienced in the late 19th and early 20th centuries will be discussed under the title of Uzbek Modernization. Tsarist Russia was the agent of Modernization and carried out Western style Modernization version to Central Asia. While Central Asia's indigenous population's response to Modernization occurred as a Jadidism (Usul-u Cedit) movement, which is one of the main components of that Modernization effort, will also be included and examined under the title. The unique Central Asian-Uzbek Modernization experience divided into 4 periods. Those periods are named as follows: Tsarist Russia Administration, Soviet Era, Construction of Uzbek ethnicity and Re-Islamization. But in order to explain the periods, dual concepts like Sovietness-Uzbekness, Uzbekness-Islamizaiton created and used together. Because those social and cultural evaluations can be found together in the same period.Western style Modernization perception was brought to Central Asia by Tsarist Russia to strengthen its presence in that region, and it was accepted as a necessity for the permanent rule in Central Asia. But because of that mandatory regulations opposition to Modernization process starts quickly. Inconvenience from the Modernization led disadvantaged ones look for a possible solution. In search for the possible options there has raised questions about how to recover the lost superiority in the Central Asian region. As in other parts of the world, the effects and reflections of the Modernization process have been experienced in Central Asia and Uzbekistan. The best solution to that unwanted situation, which failed to combat this new political and cultural structure that formed a new world order and reshaped the international space according to its own understanding, was the adoption of the ideas, discourses and methods of Modernization. This process worked similarly also in Central Asia, and a Modernization movement emerged among the Muslims of Russia in order to counter the threat from the Western Civilization and Tsarist Russia, regarded itself as the representative of Modernism in Asia. That unique Muslim modernization movement was called Jadidism.Although there has been a reaction to Jadits-Progressives. The Conservative ones-Kadimciler, argued that in order to avoid the possible damages of the Modernization a protectionist and conservative attitudes must be developed. Central Asian community must be sealed itself from the Modern world and lay in a perfect isolation. Within that context Conservative group advocated a rejection of all the notions of Modernization as a response to Jadids, as well as Tsarist Russia and Soviet Union, respectively. However, the did not maintain this attitude constantly, and they choose to took pragmatic attitude while gathering the benefits of the system, which they opposed.While İsmail Gaspıralı and the first generation of Jadits argued that one day the tsarist Russia would complete its life cycle and fall, so that Muslim Population of Tsarist Russia should be prepared to that situation through educational activities. But the following generations of Jadits began to move away from this aim and choose to have a post in Tsarist Administration bureaucracy. This situation will become more common after the October Revolution of 1917, and Jadits demands of self-determination and autonomy will be abandoned. However, this generation will be liquidated by the Soviet administration in the following years because they were not considered sufficiently loyal enough. That liquidation or Purges interrupted because of the II. World War II in Europe. That Purges forced the Soviet Union to change its plans for Central Asia. In order to protect itself from the attack of Nazi Germany and overcome uneasy situations in the battlefields the Soviet Union wasted its pro-Soviet cadres on the battlefield. The vacant positions form that enlisted cadres were filled with uneducated young people from rural areas in Central Asia and Uzbekistan in order to continue to governmental activities. That's the turning point for the radical thought that were retreat to the countryside and forced to go underground in order to survive. Thus, those radical thoughts which would later become the basis of radical movements, could sweep into state bureaucracy. The intransigent radical thoughts first express their presence during the Brezhnev era, because of the loosening state control and after the independence 1991, they did express their presence in daily life and in political stage more fearlessly and aggressively. However, the remaining Soviet-era ruling elite, that experienced Soviet style state bureaucracy and managed to stay in power in the post-independence period, panicked with the opposition actions. As a result, the Uzbek State administration first tried to suppress the opposition normally, and then crushed them bitterly. This harsh and intolerant attitude of the Uzbek State forced and marginalized the opposing parties. Because of the marginalization some of the strict elements of the opposition, those elements became radicalized. Those radicalized elements adopted a Post Modern attitude towards the authoritarian political system, which they regard it as the product and reflection of Modernism. With the effect of the political-psychological violence, Uzbek opposition groups and its radical elements have missed the point that they're also components and results of the Modernization process in Uzbekistan.As a result, although they appear to be very different from each other, Jadits and Conservatives and the radicals of the post-independence period are all the result of the Modernization process in the region. In this dissertation, it is emphasized that those actors on different sides of the political equilibrium generate a process that feeds and produces, changes and transforms each other and that they are the products of the Modernization epoch.

20.yy sonu itibariyle dünya siyasetinde Sovyetler Birliğinin dağılması ile alt üst olan dengeler küresel ve bölgesel anlamda geniş etkilere sebep olmuştur. Bu bağlamda dünya siyasetine hazırlıksız şekilde çıkan Orta Asya devletleri küresel ve bölgesel anlamda yoğun dikkatleri üzerine toplayanların başını çekmişlerdir. Bölgede var olan güvenlik endişeleri komşu olan devletleri bir araya gelerek sorunları çözme fikrinin doğmasına vesile olmuştur. Böylece daha önce amacı doğrultusunda benzeri görülmemiş bir güvenlik topluluğu olan Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü kurulmuştur. Orta Asya istikrarı için önem teşkil eden bu örgüt kapsamı genişleyerek tüm Asya adına güvenlik sağlayıcı bir role bürünmüştür. Bölgesel bir örgüt olarak değerlendirilmesi yanı sıra küresel boyutlarda ses getiren Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü savunduğu ilkeleri ve içerisinde barındırdığı Çin, Rusya, Hindistan gibi önemli güçler sayesinde "Yeni Asya Bloğu" olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Bu anlamda astronomik ölçülerde sahip oluğu sınır genişliği, nüfusu ve ekonomik büyüklüğü olan Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü küre üzerindeki yenidünya düzeninin kurmaylarından biri olmaya aday bir topluluk olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Bunun yanında yeni küresel güçler arasında bulunan Çin ve Rusya tarafından bölgeselleşme hareketlerine ağırlık verilerek Avrasya Ekonomi Birliği, Bağımsız Devletler Topluluğu gibi çeşitli örgütlenmeler sağlanmıştır. Söz konusu çalışmanın kapsamı bağımsızlık sonrası bölgeselleşme çalışmalarının odağı olan Orta Asya'dan yola çıkılarak bir Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü üyelerinden oluşmaktadır. Temel amaç bölgeselleşme çalışmalarının küresel dünya üzerinde yarattığı yankıların anlaşılması ve bu düzene getirdiği faydalar ve zararların anlaşılmasıdır. Söz konusu bölge üzerinde yazılmış binlerce bilimsel yazının incelenmesi sonucunda Orta Asya'nın dünyanın mihveri olma iddiasını sürdürdüğü anlaşılmış ancak bölgenin şu anki en büyük gücü Çin'in yakın gelecekte hakimiyet kazanacağı tespit edilmiştir. ; As of the end of the 20th century, the balances in world politics, which were turned upside down with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, have caused wide effects in the global and regional sense. In this context, the Central Asian states, which emerged unprepared for world politics, took the lead among those who attracted intense global and regional attention. The security concerns in the region led to the idea of coming together with neighboring states to solve the problems. Thus, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, an unprecedented security community, was established in line with its purpose. This organization, which is important for the stability of Central Asia, expanded its scope and assumed a security role for the whole of Asia. Besides being evaluated as a regional organization, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which has made a global impact, has been evaluated as the "New Asian Bloc" thanks to the principles it advocates and the important powers such as China, Russia and India. In this sense, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, with its astronomical border width, population and economic size, is considered as a candidate to be one of the staff of the new world order on the globe. In addition to this, various organizations such as the Eurasian Economic Union and the Commonwealth of Independent States have been established by focusing on regionalization movements by China and Russia, which are among the new global powers. The scope of the said study consists of Shanghai Cooperation Organization members, which is based on Central Asia, which is the focus of post-independence regionalization studies. The main purpose is to understand the repercussions of regionalization studies on the global world and to understand the benefits and harms it brings to this order. As a result of the examination of thousands of scientific articles written on the region in question, it has been understood that Central Asia continues to claim to be the axis of the world, but it has been determined that China, the current biggest power of the region, will gain dominance in the near future.