Suchergebnisse

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

Tesis por compendio de publicaciones ; [ES] El Control Predictivo basado en Modelos (MPC) es un caso particular de estrategia de control automático de procesos que abarca un conjunto de procedimientos cuyo denominador común es la utilización de un modelo de predicciones para determinar una ley de control óptima. El tipo de modelo elegido, los criterios de optimización y el procedimiento de deducción de la ley de control caracterizan cada una de las múltiples alternativas de MPC que existen. El control predictivo es una consolidada y, al mismo tiempo, prometedora estrategia de control con múltiples aplicaciones en el ámbito industrial y con numerosas líneas de investigación abiertas. Una de las modalidades de este tipo de control es el denominado Control Predictivo basado en Modelos Borrosos (FMBPC), que utiliza modelos cualitativos basados en reglas, globalmente no lineales, para representar el proceso a controlar. El control FMBPC está enmarcado en el subcampo del Control Predictivo No Lineal (NLMPC/NMPC) y al mismo tiempo pertenece también, parcialmente al menos, al campo del Control Inteligente (IC), debido a que utiliza una de las herramientas características de la inteligencia artificial, como es la lógica borrosa. En la Tesis Doctoral que aquí se presenta se considera una estrategia FMBPC cuyo modelo base es un modelo borroso, o Fuzzy Model (FM) en la literatura en inglés, de tipo Takagi-Sugeno (TS), obtenido mediante identificación a partir de series de datos numéricos de entrada-salida (que pueden ser datos estrictamente experimentales o adaptaciones de estos, generados en simulación). Esta característica dota a nuestra estrategia FMBPC de una interesante cualidad que aporta valor añadido dentro del campo del control NMPC, consistente en la útil información cualitativa implícita en el modelo borroso, consecuencia de la capacidad que tiene la identificación borrosa de capturar fielmente la dinámica de un sistema a partir de datos numéricos. Esta propiedad repercute directamente de forma positiva en la validez de las predicciones y supone, en última instancia, un incremento significativo del rendimiento o desempeño del algoritmo de control predictivo, en el caso de tratar con sistemas fuertemente no lineales, complejos o desconocidos. Esta es la razón por la que en esta tesis se propone la estrategia FMBPC como la idónea para abordar el control de un cierto tipo de procesos conocidos como Procesos de Fangos Activados (ASP), muy habituales como mecanismo de depuración biológica en Estaciones Depuradoras de Aguas Residuales (EDAR) (también conocidas en la literatura en inglés como Wastewater Treatment Plants (WWTP)). El interés de la propuesta es doble: por un lado, contribuir a ampliar las líneas de investigación en el campo del control predictivo no lineal y por otro, aportar una estrategia y una metodología que puedan ser útiles en la mejora de los procesos de depuración de aguas, cuya importancia en la salud pública y en el cuidado del medio ambiente es creciente, cono así se refleja en las legislaciones medioambientales, cada vez más exigentes. Una parte importante del esfuerzo investigador desarrollado en la presente tesis ha sido enfocado a la aplicación de la estrategia FMBPC propuesta al paradigmático caso de estudio elegido (procesos biológicos ASP en plantas depuradoras de aguas residuales). Dadas las características de estos procesos, principalmente su alta no linealidad, su complejidad intrínseca y su carácter multivariable, derivadas de su naturaleza biológica, las investigaciones realizadas pueden trascender más allá del mero ámbito del propio proceso. La implementación practica se ha llevado a cabo mediante simulación y ello ha supuesto un importante reto, principalmente en dos aspectos: por un lado, el desarrollo del software necesario y por otro, la implementación de los cálculos matemáticos apropiados. La investigación realizada puede descomponerse, de una manera esquemática, en las siguientes cuatro fases o etapas: a) identificación borrosa del proceso ASP a partir de datos numéricos de entrada-salida y conversión del modelo borroso obtenido en un modelo equivalente en el espacio de estados, discreto, lineal y variante en el tiempo (DLTV); b) determinación de una ley de control predictivo de tipo FMBPC, analítica y explícita, siguiendo los principios del denominado Control Predictivo Funcional (PFC); c) análisis de estabilidad local en lazo cerrado de la estrategia FMBPC propuesta; d) integración de esta estrategia dentro de la configuración de control predictivo conocida como Paradigma de Lazo Cerrado (CLP), también llamada control predictivo en lazo cerrado, con el objetivo de imponer restricciones de manera automática en la acción de control. Los resultados obtenidos son satisfactorios, principalmente en lo que se refiere a la demostración de la utilidad de la estrategia FMBPC propuesta como una alternativa válida en el campo del control predictivo no lineal, para sistemas complejos o desconocidos, con dos ventajas destacables en relación con otras estrategias, a saber: por un lado, la útil información contenida en el modelo base de las predicciones, capturada durante el proceso de identificación borrosa previo a la aplicación de la estrategia y, por otro, la forma analítica y explicita de la ley de control deducida, que facilita tanto la implementación del algoritmo de control como las tareas de análisis (entre ellas, las de análisis estabilidad). [EN] Model Predictive Control (MPC) is a particular case of automatic process control strategy that encompasses a set of procedures whose common denominator is the use of a prediction model to determine an optimal control law. The type of model chosen, the optimization criteria and the control law deduction procedure characterize each one of the multiple MPC alternatives that exist. Predictive control is a consolidated and, at the same time, promises a control strategy with multiple applications in the industrial field and with many open lines of research. One of the modalities of this type of control is the so-called Fuzzy Model-Based Predictive Control (FMBPC), which uses qualitative models based on rules, globally non-linear, to represent the process to be controlled. The FMBPC control is framed in the subfield of Non-Linear Predictive Control (NLMPC/NMPC) and at the same time it also belongs, partially at least, to the field of Intelligent Control (IC), because it uses one of the characteristic tools of intelligence artificial, as is fuzzy logic. In the Doctoral Thesis presented here, a FMBPC strategy is considered whose base model is a fuzzy model, or Fuzzy Model (FM) in the English literature, of the Takagi-Sugeno (TS) type, obtained through identification from series of input-output numerical data (which can be strictly experimental data or adaptations of these, generated in simulation). This feature provides our FMBPC strategy with an interesting quality that provides added value within the field of NMPC control, consisting of the useful qualitative information indicated in the fuzzy model, a consequence of the fuzzy identification's ability to faithfully capture the dynamics of a system from numerical data. This property has a direct positive impact on the validity of the predictions and, ultimately, a significant increase in the performance of the predictive control algorithm, in the case of dealing with expensive non-linear, complex or unknown systems. This is the reason why in this thesis the FMBPC strategy is proposed as the ideal one to address the control of a certain type of processes known as Activated Sludge Processes (ASP), very common as a biological purification mechanism in Water Treatment Plants. Waste (WWTP) (also known in English literature as Wastewater Treatment Plants (WWTP)). The interest of the proposal is twofold: on the one hand, to contribute to expanding the lines of research in the field of nonlinear predictive control and, on the other, to provide a strategy and methodology that can be useful in improving the debugging processes of waters, whose importance in public health and in caring for the environment is growing, as reflected in the increasingly demanding environmental legislation. An important part of the research effort developed in this thesis has been focused on the application of the FMBPC strategy to the chosen paradigmatic case study (ASP biological processes in wastewater treatment plants). Given the characteristics of these processes, mainly their high non-linearity, their intrinsic complexity and their multivariable character, derived from their biological nature, the investigations carried out can transcend beyond the mere scope of the process itself. The practical implementation has been carried out through simulation and this has been an important challenge, mainly in two aspects: on the one hand, the development of the necessary software and, on the other, the implementation of the appropriate mathematical calculations. The research carried out can be broken down, schematically, into the following four phases or stages: a) fuzzy identification of the ASP process from numerical input-output data and conversion of the fuzzy model obtained into an equivalent model in the space of states , discrete, linear and variant in time (DLTV); b) determine a predictive control law of the FMBPC type, analytical and clean, following the principles of the so-called Predictive Functional Control (PFC); c) closed-loop local stability analysis of the proposed FMBPC strategy; d) integration of this strategy within the predictive control configuration known as Closed Loop Paradigm (CLP), also called closed loop predictive control, with the aim of automatically imposing restrictions on the control action. The results obtained are satisfactory, mainly in what refers to the demonstration of the utility of the FMBPC strategy as a valid alternative in the field of nonlinear predictive control, for complex or unknown systems, with two advantages

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

Rationale: Successful implementation of evidence-based innovations has been identified as offering the best outcomes for service users, communities, and organisations. A widening understanding of structures, processes and resources essential to the successful adoption of innovative practices has informed the development of implementation frameworks that seek to bring research users and providers closer together. Despite these efforts, best available research knowledge is still difficult to translate into innovations in practice at scale, requiring the investment and co-ordination of resources across interconnected social structures that can be resistant to change. However, some changes do take hold and lead to new practices becoming integrated into organisational routines. Mobilising individual and collective knowledge have been identified as a key factor in delivering organisational changes. Research in this area has highlighted the role of complex, context dependent and power-laden organizational structures in relation to the spread and use of knowledge while the role of the individual as the agent of change within these organisational structures has received less attention. This study adds empirically to the conceptual and theoretical literature by focusing on the individual as the agent of change and the role of knowledge as a catalyst for the implementation of changes in practice. Drawing on literature on the creation, sharing and use of knowledge and employing the principles of complexity theory to construe the context as a series of complex adaptive systems, the study seeks to gain an understanding of how a Government policy framework transforms into individuals creating, sharing and actioning knowledge to secure changes in practice. Study Context: This study considered how the ambitions of a Scottish Government Policy, Ready to Act (R2A) were implemented within the organisational setting of an NHS Scotland health board. The participants in the study were a group of Allied Health Professionals (AHPs) which included physiotherapists, occupational therapists, speech & language therapists, podiatrists and dieticians along with their leaders and representatives from the Scottish Government who had been instrumental in setting the overall direction of service redesign. The R2A policy aimed to break down professional silos to create a more integrated service delivery that focused on early intervention and prevention approaches. The overarching research aim was addressed in this context through the following research questions: What are the underlying mechanisms that enabled individuals to create, share and action knowledge to reconfigure services towards early intervention-prevention service delivery within this context? What underlying mechanisms facilitate and maintain the momentum and direction of change across diverse and dynamic agents within the system? Study Design: The qualitative longitudinal study adopted a realist approach to consider what works for whom and in what context in relation to implementing practice change in line with policy ambitions. Participants' understandings of the change process and their attributions for successful changes were explored over a 17-month period. Context-mechanism-outcome (CMO) theory configurations were constructed and refined through three tranches of focus groups (4) , interviews (23), observations (50 hours) and documentary analysis (16 documents) to provide a robust explanation of how knowledge drawn from a learning activity was mobilised across a complex adaptive system of health and social care. Theoretical Framings Employing concepts from complexity theory and knowledge mobilisation literature, the health and social care context is construed as a complex adaptive system (CAS), where interconnected entities adapt and self-organise in response to stimulus or feedback from their environment. Considering outcomes as an emergent quality of the system rather than a product of command and control, enabled the unpredictable and uncontrollable aspects of the context to be viewed as potential assets to the knowledge mobilisation process. Main Findings: The study considered two workstreams of AHPs who were collaboratively designing changes in practice which aligned with the ambitions of the R2A policy. The groups had different starting points in relation to their workstream tasks. These different starting points, and the resources and histories of the participants had continuing impacts on how the individuals within each workstream group responded to knowledge presented within the learning activity and to the policy ambition of a move to a proactive approach to service provision. Employing a complexity theory lens provided a useful analytical frame for surfacing and explaining differences in the nature and pace of change across contexts. Key constructs from complexity theory (self-organisation, feedback loops, emergence and interconnectivity) provided a useful way of explaining differences across the system and brought attention to elements of the change process which were unforeseen, forgotten or hidden in plain view. The study also identified distributed leadership and the cultivation of an allocentric disposition, where individuals were willing to engage with the knowledge from other groups and individuals, as necessary antecedents of knowledge mobilization. The importance of feedback loops in maintaining the trajectory and momentum of change across the system and over time was another important finding. Feedback loops were observed manifesting as epistemic artefacts which were created, refined and often replaced by individuals and groups as the system adapted and evolved. The longitudinal nature of the study revealed incremental changes which were important, but which were largely unacknowledged by the measures of change adopted by local management and the Scottish Government. Theoretical Contribution: The study revealed how the attributes of complex systems were harnessed to mobilise knowledge and deliver desired outcomes. Drawing together the literature on epistemic artefacts and the attributes of complex adaptive systems, this study provides a greater understanding of the role of artefacts within feedback loops in the sharing and application of knowledge. The nature of feedback loops has not been explored fully in previous studies. This study sheds light on how linguistic, social, and physical artefacts are created and employed within the process of knowledge mobilisation to support sustainable changes in practice. Empirical Contribution: This research provides a rich, detailed account of knowledge mobilisation in AHPs, an under-researched group of key actors within health care. It provides much needed longitudinal empirical evidence to a field which has received predominantly theoretical attention and provides an inter-group observation of knowledge mobilisation within a complex adaptive system. Practical Contribution: Employing realist methodology provided an ontologically deep exploration of the factors impacting on individuals and collectives as they sought to create, share, and implement their knowledge to deliver changes in practice. The realist methodology also provided a reflexive space for participants to review and unpack their experiences and set these within the context of how events emerged across the wider system over time. The refined CMO theories resonated with the experience of stakeholders from a wider national context who identified with the complexity-informed explanations of outcome variation across the system. The refined CMO configurations provide practical guidance on how key factors of complex adaptive system were harnessed to support the development and spread of innovation. Implications of the study The findings from the study suggest that where knowledge is a catalyst for changes in practice, the scale-up and spread of change across a complex adaptive system is facilitated through micro-processes of feedback. These feedback loops are highly sensitive to context. Understanding how feedback loops evolve and influence the trajectory of change within specific contexts offers an opportunity to harness the feedback loop to create virtuous cycles of change, moving the CAS in the desired trajectory of change. Understanding how vicious cycles of undesirable change or status quo are being sustained through feedback loops offers formative opportunities to dampen the influence of these feedback loops. The findings also suggest distributed and hierarchical approaches to leadership are both required within complex organisations. Although command and control structure are necessary to ensure the organisation is stable enough to function effectively, a distributed model of leadership is necessary to foster engagement and innovation. These different forms of leadership were not in competition but could be construed as operating as further feedback loops which influenced the direction of change. Creating change across this complex system relied on the mobilisation of knowledge between engaged agents. This occurred within this study through respectful and empowering relationships which were based on a model of distributed leadership and an allocentric disposition. These factors took time to become established. Individuals and groups working to mobilise knowledge were supported when anticipated timeframes for projects and activities were extended to facilitate change processes, particularly in context where individuals and groups had no history of working together. This study sought to provide a coherent explanation of the events experienced by practitioners and leaders as they addressed the shared ambitions of a government policy. The findings suggest that feedback loops which emerge from a deep understanding of how relationships are formed, managed and sustained across a system, provide key knowledge that can be mobilised to promotes the scale up and spread of innovation across a complex system. ; "This study was supported through the Scottish Improvement Science and Collaborating Centre (SISCC) and The Health Foundation. It forms part of a portfolio of work on Knowledge into Action at Scale (KiAAS)." -- Funding

Background. According to domestic scientists, 75% of combat veterans diagnosed with symptoms that can diagnose mental and behavioral disorders because of alcohol consumption. Almost 100 thousand patients with alcohol dependence registered at the narcological dispensaries annually in Ukraine. The aim of the study was to study the pharmaceutical provision of addiction syndrome because of alcohol use (F10.2) with the definition of the parameters of the control regime among participants in combat operations. Materials and methods. In order to achieve this goal, existing international and domestic legislative, normative and legal, methodological documents; scientific sources; instructions for medical use of medicines; Internet-resources that processed using normative legal, documentary, forensic, pharmaceutical, comparative and graphical methods of analysis were used. Results. The consistency of the pharmacotherapy principles of alcohol addiction syndrome (F10.2) at the international and national levels was clarified by comparative analysis of the clinical and pharmacological groups of medicines in the following regulatory documents: Drugs used in alcohol dependence EBM Guidelines 8.9.2017 (Latest changes 8.9. 2017 Kaarlo Simojoki); the Order of the Ministry of Healthcare of Ukraine No. 681 dated September 21, 2009 "On Approval of Clinical Protocols for the Provision of Medical Aid in the Specialty "Narcology"; the Order of the Ministry of Healthcare of Ukraine No. 868 dated May 10, 2018 "On approval of the tenth issue of the State Form of Medicines and ensuring their availability"; the Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 333 dated September 25, 2009 "Some issues of state regulation of prices for medicines and medical products", which approved the National List of Basic Medicines. Conclusions. The pharmaceutical provision for addiction syndrome because of alcohol consumption (F10.2) studied with determination of the parameters of the control regime among the participants of the military operations. Analyzed the rubricification of code F10.2 "Addiction syndrome due to alcohol use" for ICD-10 numbering 11 items. Systematized the clinical and pharmacological groups of medicinal products used for the pharmaceutical provision of addiction syndrome due to the use of alcohol among participants of military operations. Based on the analysis of the regulatory framework, determined that in the clinical protocols of the provision of medical care in the specialty "Narcology" all studied clinical and pharmacological groups of medicines for the pharmacotherapy of addiction syndrome due to alcohol use were included; in the State Form of Medicine there are no sensitizing drugs; in the National List of Essential Medicines there are no 4 clinical and pharmacological groups: psychoanalyptics (antidepressants), sensitizing drugs, peripheral vasodilators, derivatives of g-aminobutyric acid (sodium oxybutyrate), parameters of the control regimen of drugs for pharmacotherapy of addiction syndrome due to alcohol use Participants in military operations. Noted that the special regime of control has according to the classification and legal group 3 psychotropic drugs (diazepam, sodium oxibiturate and phenobarbital), which should be located in healthcare institutions on the subject and quantitative accounting. Proved in the comparative aspect, the features of licensing of studied medicinal products in medical and pharmacy establishments of healthcare. Regarding the legal status of the investigational medicinal products, taking into account the parameters of their control regime, they will increase the level of their legal, informational and physical accessibility for doctors, pharmacists and patients, and also proper organization of circulation procedure of such drugs on the stages of the appointment, discharge, storage, accounting, quality control and delivery in accordance with the current legislation of Ukraine. ; Актуальность. По данным отечественных ученых, у 75% ветеранов боевых действий отмечаются симптомы, которые позволяют диагностировать психические и поведенческие расстройства вследствие употребления алкоголя. В Украине ежегодно почти 100 тысяч пациентов с алкогольной зависимостью становятся на учет в наркологические диспансеры. Цель исследования: Изучить фармацевтическое обеспечение синдрома зависимости вследствие употребления алкоголя (F 10.2) с определением параметров режима контроля среди участников боевых действий. Материалы и методы. Для достижения поставленной цели были использованы действующие международные и отечественные законодательные, нормативно-правовые и инструктивно-методические документы; научные источники; инструкции по применению лекарственных средств; Internet-ресурсы, которые были обработаны с применением нормативно-правового, документального, судебно-фармацевтического, сравнительного и графического методов анализа. Результаты. Согласованность принципов фармакотерапии синдрома зависимости от алкоголя (F 10.2) на международном и национальном уровнях определялась путем сравнительного анализа клинико-фармакологических групп лекарственных средств в таких нормативно-правовых документах: Drugs used in alcohol dependence EBM Guidelines 8.9.2017 (Latest change 8.9. 2017 Kaarlo Simojoki); приказ МЗ Украины № 681 от 21.09.2009 г. «Об утверждении клинических протоколов оказания медицинской помощи по специальности "Наркология"»; приказ МЗ Украины № 868 от 10.05.2018 г. «Об утверждении десятого выпуска Государственного формуляра лекарственных средств и обеспечения его доступности»; Постановление КМ Украины № 333 от 25.09.2009 г. «Некоторые вопросы государственного регулирования цен на лекарственные средства и изделия медицинского назначения», которым утвержден Национальный перечень основных лекарственных средств. Выводы. Изучено фармацевтическое обеспечение синдрома зависимости вследствие употребления алкоголя (F 10.2) с определением параметров режима контроля среди участников боевых действий. Проанализирована рубрификация кода F10.2 «Синдром зависимости вследствие употребления алкоголя» согласно МКБ-10, которая насчитывает 11 позиций. Систематизированы клинико-фармакологические группы лекарственных средств, которые используются для фармацевтического обеспечения синдрома зависимости вследствие употребления алкоголя среди участников боевых действий. На основании анализа нормативной базы определено, что в клиническом протоколе оказания медицинской помощи по специальности «Наркология» включены все исследуемые клинико-фармакологические группы лекарственных средств для фармакотерапии синдрома зависимости вследствие употребления алкоголя; в Государственном формуляре лекарственных средств отсутствуют сенсибилизирующие лекарственные средства; в Национальном перечне основных лекарственных средств отсутствуют 4 клинико-фармакологические группы: психоаналептики (антидепрессанты); сенсибилизирующие лекарственные средства; периферические вазодилататоры, производные g-аминомасляной кислоты (натрия оксибутират). Установлены параметры режима контроля лекарственных средств для фармакотерапии синдрома зависимости вследствие употребления алкоголя среди участников боевых действий. Указано, что специальный режим контроля имеют по классификационно-правовой группе 3 психотропные лекарственные средства (диазепам, натрия оксибутират и фенобарбитал), которые должны находиться в учреждениях здравоохранения на предметно-количественном учете. В сравнительном аспекте обоснованы особенности лицензирования оборота лекарственных средств в медицинских и аптечных учреждениях. Внедрение в деятельность учреждений здравоохранения данных относительно правового статуса лекарственных средств с учетом параметров их режима контроля обеспечит повышение уровня их правовой, информационной и физической доступности для врачей, провизоров и пациентов, а также надлежащую организацию порядка обращения таких лекарственных средств на этапах назначения, выписки, хранения, учета, контроля качества и отпуска в соответствии с требованиями действующего законодательства Украины. ; Актуальність. За даними вітчизняних вчених, у 75% ветеранів бойових дій відзначаються симптоми, які дозволяють діагностувати психічні і поведінкові розлади внаслідок вживання алкоголю. В Україні щороку майже 100 тисяч пацієнтів з алкогольною залежністю поступають на облік у наркологічні диспансери. Мета дослідження: вивчити фармацевтичне забезпечення синдрому залежності внаслідок вживання алкоголю (F 10.2) з визначенням параметрів режиму контролю серед учасників бойових дій. Матеріали та методи. Для досягнення поставленої мети було використано чинні міжнародні та вітчизняні законодавчі, нормативно-правові та інструктивно-методичні документи; наукові джерела; інструкції для медичного застосування лікарських засобів; Internet-ресурси, які було оброблено із застосуванням нормативно-правового, документального, судово-фармацевтичного, порівняльного та графічного методів аналізу. Результати. Узгодженість принципів фармакотерапії синдрому залежності від алкоголю (F 10.2) на міжнародному і національному рівнях з'ясовувалася шляхом порівняльного аналізу клініко-фармакологічних груп лікарських засобів у таких нормативно-правових документах: Drugs used in alcohol dependence EBM Guidelines 8.9.2017 (Latest change 8.9.2017 Kaarlo Simojoki); наказ МОЗ України № 681 від 21.09.2009 р. «Про затвердження клінічних протоколів надання медичної допомоги зі спеціальності "Наркологія"»; наказ МОЗ України № 868 від 10.05.2018 р. «Про затвердження десятого випуску Державного формуляра лікарських засобів та забезпечення його доступності»; Постанова КМ України № 333 від 25.09.2009 р. «Деякі питання державного регулювання цін на лікарські засоби і вироби медичного призначення», якою затверджено Національний перелік основних лікарських засобів. Висновки. Вивчено фармацевтичне забезпечення синдрому залежності внаслідок вживання алкоголю (F 10.2) з визначенням параметрів режиму контролю серед учасників бойових дій. Проаналізовано рубрифікацію коду F10.2 «Синдром залежності внаслідок вживання алкоголю» за МКХ-10, що налічує 11 позицій. Систематизовано клініко-фармакологічні групи лікарських засобів, що використовуються для фармацевтичного забезпечення синдрому залежності внаслідок вживання алкоголю серед учасників бойових дій. На підставі аналізу нормативної бази визначено, що в клінічному протоколі надання медичної допомоги зі спеціальності «Наркологія» включено всі досліджувані клініко-фармакологічні групи лікарських засобів для фармакотерапії синдрому залежності внаслідок вживання алкоголю; у Державному формулярі лікарських засобів відсутні сенсибілізуючі лікарські засоби; у Національному переліку основних лікарських засобів відсутні 4 клініко-фармакологічні групи: психоаналептики (антидепресанти); сенсибілізуючі лікарські засоби; периферичні вазоділататори; похідні g-аміномасляної кислоти (натрію оксибутирату). Встановлено параметри режиму контролю лікарських засобів для фармакотерапії синдрому залежності внаслідок вживання алкоголю серед учасників бойових дій. Зазначено, що спеціальний режим контролю мають за класифікаційно-правовою групою 3 психотропні лікарські засоби (діазепам, натрію оксибутират і фенобарбітал), які повинні бути в закладах охорони здоров'я на предметно-кількісному обліку. У порівняльному аспекті доведено особливості ліцензування обігу досліджуваних лікарських засобів у медичних та аптечних закладах охорони здоров'я. Висновки. Впровадження в діяльність закладів охорони здоров'я даних щодо правового статусу досліджуваних лікарських засобів з урахуванням параметрів їх режиму контролю забезпечить підвищення рівня їх правової, інформаційної та фізичної доступності для лікарів, провізорів і пацієнтів, а також належну організацію порядку обігу таких лікарських засобів на етапах призначення, виписування, зберігання, обліку, контролю якості та відпуску відповідно до вимог чинного законодавства України.

En las últimas décadas, el rol específico de las mujeres en las relaciones internacionales ha recibido más atención y las teorías feministas han ganado terreno en el debate intelectual, lo que ha contribuido a una sensibilización general hacia la incorporación del análisis de la categoría de género en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales. De hecho, uno de los rasgos característicos de la disciplina había sido la invisibilización de las estructuras de género que impactan a hombres y mujeres de forma distinta. Sin embargo, con la irrupción del llamado "cuarto debate" se abrió una nueva oportunidad para pensar lo internacional desde miradas más críticas e inclusivas. El impacto de los estudios feministas tuvo lugar a finales de la década de 1980 con una publicación especial sobre género en la revista académica Millennium: Journal of International Studies. De gran relevancia en la actualidad son las teorías producidas fuera de los centros hegemónicos y que cuestionan tanto las teorías clásicas como el sistema de género occidental por encubrir un proyecto etnocéntrico. En efecto, las teóricas post y decoloniales pretenden desestabilizar los discursos hegemónicos sobre una supuesta experiencia universal de las mujeres. En este sentido, el objetivo central del presente artículo es realizar una revisión bibliográfica sobre las principales escuelas feministas, así como sistematizar la pluralidad de teorías y de prácticas feministas que han tenido lugar en el devenir de los estudios internacionales. De esta forma, tras una breve introducción sobre el surgimiento de los enfoques feministas en la disciplina, el presente estudio realiza un análisis de las aportaciones de las principales escuelas feministas: el feminismo liberal, el feminismo del punto de vista, el feminismo constructivista, el feminismo posmodernista, el feminismo postcolonial, el feminismo decolonial, la teoría queer y el enfoque sobre las masculinidades. A través del examen de estas diferentes corrientes teóricas, se analizará su impacto en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales, evidenciando los cambios epistemológicos, metodológicos y ontológicos presentes en las diferentes escuelas. Las teorías feministas en las Relaciones Internacionales deben ser abordadas, pues, de manera multidimensional, en el sentido de reconocer las diferencias y elementos comunes respecto a las experiencias de las mujeres, hombres y disidentes sexuales desde diferentes latitudes ; In the last decades, the specific role of women in international relations has received more attention and feminist theories have gained ground in the intellectual debate, which has contributed to a general sensitization towards the incorporation of the analysis of the gender category in the discipline of international relations. In fact, one of the characteristic features of the discipline of international relations had been the invisibility of gender structures that impact men and women differently. However, with the emergence of the so-called "third debate", a new opportunity was opened to think about the international from more critical and inclusive perspectives. The impact of feminist studies took place in the late 1980s with a special publication on gender in Millennium: Journal of International Studies. Of great relevance at present are the theories produced outside of the hegemonic centers and that question both the classical theories and the Western gender system for covering up an ethnocentric project. Indeed, post-decolonial theorists aim to destabilize hegemonic discourses about a supposedly universal experience of women. In this sense, the main objective of this article is to carry out a bibliographic review on the main feminist schools, as well as to systematize the plurality of feminist theories and practices that have taken place in the course of international studies. In this way, after a brief introduction on the emergence of feminist approaches in the discipline, this study analyzes the contributions of the main feminist schools: liberal feminism, standpoint feminism, constructivist feminism, postmodernist feminism, postcolonial feminism, decolonial feminism, queer theory, and the focus on masculinities. Through the examination of these different feminist theoretical currents, their impact on the discipline of international relations will be analyzed, showing the epistemological, methodological and ontological changes present in the different schools. Feminist theories in international relations must therefore be approached in a multidimensional way, in the sense of recognizing the differences and common elements regarding the experiences of women, men and sexual dissidents from different latitudes. In this sense, the possibility of renewal in international relations occurred with the crisis of the realist paradigm after the end of the Cold War. In this context, there was the emergence of numerous studies that began to incorporate feminist lenses in their analyses. With the new critical perspectives - which focused their examinations on non-state and sub-state agents when criticizing state-centeredness in the discipline -, women were conceived as possible agents of transformation of their environment both locally and internationally. These criticisms implied a new dimension for incorporating issues of "low politics", an area in which the majority of women would be placed. In this context, feminist theories were gaining more and more relevance in the intellectual debate of the discipline and some authors began to criticize more strongly the dominant theories, given their markedly sexist bias. In the late 1980s, Ann Tickner stated that "international politics is a man's world" and, more forcefully, questioned, in light of feminist lenses, the six realist pillars of Hans Morgenthau. Morgenthau and other theorists sought to overturn the idea that "gender has nothing to do with international processes and events" (Zalewski, 1997, p. 342). Thus, realist theorists insisted on the defense of objectivity and neutrality in international relations, and in terms of gender argued that on the one hand, the topics covered equally affect men and women and, on the other hand, international relations refers to an autonomous sphere of reality. In recent years, we find few authors who support this vision, although the absence of studies with gender analysis in the discipline is salient. Of great relevance today are the theories produced outside the hegemonic centers and that question both the classical theories and the Western gender system for covering up an ethnocentric project that omits multiple hierarchies of power and that marginalizes and dismisses the agency of women who are outside the "center". Indeed, post-decolonial theorists aim to destabilize hegemonic discourses, both in international relations and in feminist studies. The contributions of feminism are one of the most important innovations in international relations, although, admittedly, it was "one of the last bastions to succumb to feminist research" (Byron and Thorburn, 1998, p. 211). Feminist literature has denounced the supposed objectivity of the classical paradigms of the discipline, especially realism, as well as the androcentrism that emerges from traditional analyses. For realists, the State is conceived as "an orderly, peaceful sphere that acts rationally in function of the national interest, representing the whole of society". However, some authors consider that this analysis is based on the "functions performed by men as the basis of political identity" (Rodríguez Manzano, 2001, p. 261) and, therefore, masculine characteristics "are projected onto the behavior of States" (Tickner, 1992, 6). The image of a State as a mirror of rational man is supported by the conceptual universe that surrounds it, such as the struggle for power, the search for peace, or sovereignty, which reinforces the idea that political activity is dominated by males. But this man is not just anybody, and the idea of the State is built in the image and likeness of the ideal archetype of a western white man. Hence follows another complaint made by many feminists: their ethnocentric bias. In the gender system, masculine identity rests on the necessary repression of the aspects considered feminine and, within this logic, colonized men are feminized: they are beings destitute of rationality, they need the tutelage of the white man for their "development". The other, the foreigner, and the different are constructed as irrational, unpredictable, qualities considered feminine in the western gender system. On the other hand, white women assume that they are the ones who invite other women to participate in feminist politics. They are conceived as the pioneers in this emancipatory process. Women in the Global South have denounced these discourses by pointing out that differences between women lead to differences of privilege, exclusion and power. In this sense, a woman's point of view does not guarantee a reciprocal relationship with the Other, but rather can exercise a hierarchical relationship by not considering the different female subjectivities. Therefore, they argue that feminist theory must include the experiences of all women through the intersection of gender, class, race, sexuality, political order, place of enunciation, etc. It is thus important to note that feminist theories are not monolithic and are characterized by their plurality. While some scholars have preferred to analyze international phenomena in a more traditional way, showing how women have played an important role in international politics -whether in "high politics" or in a subordinate position-, others have dedicated themselves to denaturalizing the concept of universal woman (that is, Eurowhite women), pointing out other problems, such as race, class or sexuality from an intersectional vision. Many, however, start from an initial guiding question: where are women in international relations? Parallel to this question and the incorporation of women as a variable in the discipline - a variable that is especially important for liberal and radical feminists - the category of gender is consecrated as the most relevant contribution ; Este texto forma parte de una investigación financiada por la Comunidad de Madrid en el marco de las Ayudas destinadas a la Atracción de Talento Investigador y del apoyo del Proyecto de I+D para Jóvenes Investigadores de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid (Referencia SI1/PJI/2019-00257) y del Proyecto MINECO (Referencia HAR2016-76398-P).

The paper aims to articulate an "encounter" between Autonomist Marxism (AM) and World-Ecology (WE), that is, between two theoretical paradigms increasingly discussed at the global level, but so far never analyzed in close connection to one another. AM is a current of unorthodox Marxism that is characterized, methodologically, by the partiality of the point of view, the constitutive unity of thought and conflict, the ambivalence of the working-class condition (labor force / abstract labor within capital, working class / living labor against capital), and the centrality of class composition. Politically, AM proposes two main innovations: the practice of refusal of work, and the so-called Copernican revolution, according to which class struggle comes first and capitalist organization follows suit (instituting, therefore, a causal and incremental link between workers' unrest and capitalist development).WE can be defined as a global conversation that develops the analysis of the world-system along distinctively environmental lines: capitalism, therefore, does not have an ecological regime, but rather is an ecological regime, i.e. a specific way of organizing nature. Beyond any residue of Cartesian dualism, the concept of world-ecology refers to an original mixture of social dynamics and natural elements that make up the capitalist mode of production in its historical development, and in its tendency to become a world-market. In this framework, the capitalist theory of value imposes space as flat and geometric, time as homogeneous and linear, and nature as external, infinite, and free.The aim of this paper is to show that, although the two perspectives relate to the question of the (ecological) crisis in a very different way, they can be effectively integrated if juxtaposed on a different level - that of the historico-political analysis of the question concerning the environment. Both approaches originally rework Marx's crisis theory, but they do not completely avoid the polarization that marked its evolution: development vs. catastrophe.AM tends to renew the tradition that sees the crisis as a moment of development and historicizes it through original interpretations of the cycle of struggles 1968-1973, claiming its defeat was "peculiar" as it imposed a change in the structure of capitalist valorization in the direction of an expansion of its accumulation base. The causes of this transition are to be found in the intersection between the financialization of the economy, the cognitization of labor and, above all, the becoming-productive of the sphere of social reproduction. On the other hand, WE elaborates the so-called "breakdown" theory in unprecedented fashion. The starting point is a convincing reconstruction of the historical succession of long waves of economic cycles through an articulation of underproduction (of ecological surplus) and overproduction (of commodities). Thus, WE provides an instrumental ecological counterpoint to the socio-centric reading of AM through the fundamental notion of negative value — the most innovative analytical element with regard to the neoliberal form of crisis theory. However, the general discursive strategy follows that of every breakdown theory ever since the "classical" debate within the Second International. Therefore, it is aimed at showing that, although the crises of the twentieth century were developmental (that is, they fostered the capitalist restructuring at a higher level), the crisis we live through nowadays presents itself as epochal in that its result is deemed to be an inevitable collapse.The convergence between the two paradigms —which is actually a rather demanding theoretical exchange, and as such require some deep rethinking for both positions— can take place through a re-reading of the historical process of politicization of ecology. Although it is customary to date it between the mid-seventies and the following decade —i.e. after the great cycle of Fordist conflicts— in recent years a different hypothesis is being tested: that such politicization occurred not only a decade earlier, but also, and above all, because of rather than despite the struggles of the workers' movement (in close connection with the rise cycle of revolutionary feminism). With particular regard to the Italian context, the struggles against noxiousness, which multiplied between the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s, and often in opposition to the confederal unions, were the first to fiercely criticize the so-called monetization of risk; that is,the idea that wage increases and/or organizational benefits could "compensate" for exposure to pollutants, even hazardous ones. Although this criticism would never become common sense of trade union action, such occurrence does not deny that it was first of all the strength of organized workers that blew up the compensatory mechanism and (im)posed the ecological question as politically unavoidable. Only at a later stage will the environmental movement emerge along with a new post-materialist sensitivity among the urbanized intermediate strata.Against this background, the paper proposes an analysis of neoliberal green economy —i.e. the capitalist attempt to internalize the ecological limit, turning it from obstacle to valorization, through an innovative strategy of accumulation— as simultaneously assuming the form of development (in accordance with AM hypothesis) and of anti-development (in accordance with WE hypothesis). From this plausible "convergence" could then emerge a political interpretation of the contemporary ecological crisis, capable of questioning the relationship between capitalism and nature by avoiding both catastrophism and the elective affinity between the logic of profit and the logic of environmental protection.In this unprecedented context, WE can grasp the second aspect through the concept of negative value, which correctly conveys the message that climate change, health-related emergencies, and the narrowing of waste borders make the ecological crisis an unprecedented everyday reality in the history of capitalism. In fact, negative value implies an internal contradiction of the dynamics of capital and, above all, an ontological challenge to the valorization project, therefore to capitalist civilization tout court.On the other hand, AM is in a privileged position to make sense of the shift from the rhetoric of limits to growth, which somehow alluded to environmental noxiousness as a crisis of capitalism, to a rhetoric of growth of limits, which identifies these latter as drivers of accumulation, as "filters" that turn the ecological constraint into a crisis for capitalism. Furthermore, AM can now show that commodities traded on environmental markets contain value as they are produced by hybrid units of labor (reproductive / informational) and nature (financialized). However, the developmental potential of such green economy must also be relativized. In fact, the process of enhancing the "free" activity of nature seems, at least until now, to be unable both to "repair" the environmental damage already done and to provide widespread social protections potentially able to compensate for the class polarization that invariably accompanies the multiplication of financial dividends. What neoliberal capitalism lacks is an inclusive mechanism capable of (partially) socializing financial profits either through a decarbonization of the economy, or through the formation of a new middle class (or both). ; Este artículo pretende articular un encuentro entre el operaísmo y la ecología-mundo, es decir, un encuentro entre dos paradigmas teóricos cada vez más objeto de debate a nivel global, pero que, hasta el momento, no han sido analizados en estrecha relación. El operaísmo es una corriente del marxismo heterodoxo caracterizada por centrarse en la ambivalencia de la condición de la clase obrera (fuerza de trabajo/trabajo abstracto dentro del capital, clase obrera/trabajo vivo contra el capital) y la noción de la composición de clases sociales. La ecología-mundo puede definirse como un diálogo internacional que desarrolla el análisis del sistema-mundo desde una perspectiva ambiental: el capitalismo, por lo tanto, no tiene un régimen ecológico, sino que es un régimen ecológico, es decir, constituye un modo especifico de organizar la naturaleza. El objetivo de este artículo es demostrar que, a pesar de que las dos perspectivas se relacionan con la cuestión de la crisis (ecológica) de forma muy distinta, ellas pueden integrarse eficazmente si son yuxtapuestas a otro nivel: el del análisis histórico-político de la cuestión medioambiental. En su origen, ambos planteamientos revisan la teoría de la crisis de Marx, pero no eluden la polarización que caracteriza su evolución: mientras que el operaísmo tiende a reafirmar la tradición que considera la crisis como un momento de desarrollo, la ecología-mundo desarrolla la teoría de la brecha metabólica de un modo bastante inaudito. La convergencia entre estos dos paradigmas —lo que, en realidad, constituye un exigente intercambio teórico y que, por lo tanto, requiere una intensa reflexión por parte de ambas posiciones— puede producirse a través de una relectura del proceso histórico de la politización de la ecología. Aunque se suele situarlo entre mediados de los años setenta y la siguiente década —tras el gran ciclo de conflictos fordistas—, en los últimos años se está comprobando una hipótesis distinta: esta politización no sólo ocurrió una década antes, pero también, y, sobre todo, sucedió debido a, y no a pesar de, las luchas del movimiento obrero (en estrecha relación con el surgimiento del feminismo revolucionario). En ese contexto, la economía verde neoliberal —es decir, el intento capitalista de internalizar el límite ecológico, transformándolo de un obstáculo a la valorización a una estrategia innovadora de acumulación— asume simultáneamente la forma de desarrollo (en línea con la hipótesis postulada por el operaísmo) y la de antidesarrollo (en línea con la hipótesis defendida por la ecología-mundo). De esta "convergencia" plausible podría emerger entonces una interpretación política de la crisis ecológica contemporánea capaz de cuestionar la relación entre el capitalismo y la naturaleza, al evitar tanto el catastrofismo como la afinidad electiva entre la lógica del beneficio y la lógica de la protección medioambiental.

Contemporary hostility towards Muslims at the global level and the consolidation of Islam in the geopolitical context as an anachronic alterity to the West cannot be understood without addressing the dynamics of the LGBTQ globalization framework. Although this hostility has so far encompassed very diverse areas like the compatibility of Islam with democracy, the regulation of the visibility of Islam in the public space, and the institutionalization of Islam and its relation to immigration, currently there has been an intensification of a praxis of control over some Muslim subjects by contemporary nation-states. These practices have been accompanied by a certain rhetoric on antiterrorism, securitization, nationalism and patriotism, where the LGBTQ question has played a fundamental role. This phenomenon highlights the emergence of a specific form of Islamophobia—referred to as 'queered Islamophobia' in this article—related to what Puar (2007) coined as 'homonationalism' more than a decade ago to denounce an aspect of modernity marked by a convergence between diverse state practices, transnational LGBTQ politics and the emergence of new Islamophobic discourses nourished by the neoliberal instrumentalization of LGBTQ. The homonationalist logic is underpinned by a culturalist discourse that promotes a dichotomous view of the world, where the West —modern, secular and LGBTQ friendly— finds itself face to face with its alter ego —orientalized, anachronistic, Islamic fundamentalist and LGBTQ phobic. This confrontation becomes effective through the transnational production of two antagonistic subjects. National homosexual subjects can only exist outside the limits of religion embodying agency and resistance, and their national legitimacy is done at the expense of their depoliticization and their participation in the subalternization discrimination and criminalization of Muslim sexual-racial subjects. They, in turn, embody neo-Orientalist ideas that link Islam with a lack of agency, depravity and/or sexual repression and LGBTQ phobia, and seem to be invariably evaluated through the lens of LGBTQ Western neoliberal secularism. The theoretical construction of Muslim sexual-racial subjects and so-called Muslim homophobia is, at this time, central to debates on values and securitization in the West and is used to justify repressive antiterrorist measures within Western nation-states (Haritaworn, 2008). Hostility towards gender and sexual diversity connected to Islam and/or Muslims has been conceptualized in different ways. Authors like Abraham (2010) refer to it as hegemonic Muslim homophobia, while Massad (2008) categorizes it as Islamic resistance to Western imperialism. In either case, it seems clear that the assumption of religiosity, in the Geertzian (1966) sense, constitutes a determining element when defining what a Muslim is —or is not— and explains their attitudes towards LGBTQ (Rahman, 2014). The problem is particularly acute considering the urgent need to address LGBTQ phobia as a compendium of geographical, cultural, sociopolitical, economic and legislative factors that goes beyond the strictly religious question. Indeed, the current rejection towards LGBTQ based on traditionalist interpretations of Islam —'Islamicate LGBTQ phobia' in short— and the growing institutionalized repression against sexual and gender minorities in Islamicate nation-states are part of a problem with many elements that cannot be understood without addressing some issues. Firstly, the relationship between gender and sexual diversity in relation to the Islamic tradition is complex. The second question concerns the influence of colonialization and neocolonialization on the gradual transformation of the traditional forms of sex/gender diversity that developed in the historic lands of Islam, as well as on social perception and the legislation adopted regarding these forms in the aforementioned states. The emergence of sexual liberation movements in the United States and Europe in the 1970s entailed an ongoing process of homosexualization (Roscoe, 1997) through which contemporary globalized LGBTQ categories have spread around the world (Rao, 2015). When combined with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the emergence of Islamicate nation-states, this process has constituted a threat to the continuity of the traditional forms of sex/gender dissidence. This phenomenon would not have been possible without the construction of an invented tradition of Muslim homophobia that is being instrumentalized both in the West—through the disciplinary apparatus of nation-states—and in Muslim-majority countries—through certain forces linked to Islamic fundamentalism—with the common purpose of legitimizing control over the internal order of the societies of both frameworks (Rahman, 2015). The main objective of this article is to review the state of the art of Islam in LGBTQ globalization by looking at the specific historical forms in which knowledge linked to each of these two axes is constituted, as well as the social practices, forms of subjectivities and power relations inherent to such knowledge from the point of view of surveillance, control and banishment strategies. This exercise will be materialised through the analysis of the two hegemonic oppositional positions of Islam and gender and sexual diversity—one of Islamicate LGBTQ phobia and the other of queered Islamophobia—through which Muslims in general and LGBTQ Muslims in particular are subalternized, discriminated against and criminalized today both in the West and in Muslim-majority countries. To that end, the present article proposes a queer approach that aims to contributes to international studies—and the contemporary debates within them—in which LGBTQ issues in relation to Islamic tradition are largely missing. In this regard, while the connections between race, ethnicity, religion, religion, class, gender, sexuality, state and nation have been addressed by certain disciplines of the social sciences, there is still reluctance to take queer contributions into account and, even more so, to frame them within the umbrella of the recently named field of Queer International Relations (Weber, 2016). For the purpose of this work, and without wishing to provide here a specific definition of a queer approach, what is really at stake in any queer research is not so much a specific methodological proposal, but rather a substantial political commitment to place gender and sexuality at the forefront of social science analysis, challenging, in so doing, the hegemonic orders denounced in their research. The queer approach is understood here, therefore, in the sense of moral and political commitment and counter-hegemonic denunciation, rather than in terms of disloyalty to conventional academic methods to which certain queer theorists refer. The article is structured in four sections: introduction, theoretical-methodological approach, discussion and conclusions. The introductory section clarifies from a critical anthropological perspective the relevance of the reconceptualization of religion as a category of analysis when approaching the study of Islam. The section on theoretical and methodological approach reflects on the implications of putting queer studies and international relations in conversation. The first discussion heading, focusing on Islamicate LGBTQ phobia, reflects on the relationship between sexual and gender dissidences, Islamic tradition and Muslim identity, as well as on the influence of colonization and neo-colonization on the current state of these dissidence within Muslim-majority countries. The second discussion heading, dealing with queered Islamophobia, delves into the framework of homonationalism and the consolidation of LGBTQ as a requirement for access to citizenship and as a civilizational marker of Muslim otherness. Finally, I present some brief conclusions and outline some possible future lines of research. ; El objetivo de este artículo es la elaboración de un estado de la cuestión sobre el islam en el marco de la globalización LGBTQ atendiendo a las formas históricas específicas en que se constituye el conocimiento vinculado a cada uno de estos dos ejes, además de las prácticas sociales, las formas de subjetividad y las relaciones de poder inherentes a tales conocimientos desde el punto de vista de las estrategias de vigilancia, control y prohibición. Este trabajo se ha llevado a cabo a través del análisis de las dos posiciones hegemónicas de oposición entre islam y diversidad sexual y de género —una, de LGBTQfobia islamizada, la otra, de islamofobia queerizada— sobre la base de las cuales las personas musulmanas, incluyendo las LGBTQ, son subalternizadas, discriminadas y criminalizadas en la actualidad, tanto en Occidente como en los países de mayoría musulmana. Este trabajo propone un enfoque queer a través del cual poner en conversación las Relaciones Internacionales y los estudios transnacionales y/o globales queer en torno a las conexiones contemporáneas entre raza, religión, clase, género, sexualidad, estado y nación desde un compromiso de denuncia contrahegemónica. Con el fin de profundizar en todas estas cuestiones el artículo está estructurado en cuatro secciones: introducción, enfoque teórico-metodológico, dos epígrafes de desarrollo y conclusiones. El apartado introductorio clarifica, desde una perspectiva antropológica crítica, la pertinencia de la reconceptualización de la religión como categoría de análisis a la hora de abordar el estudio del islam. El primer epígrafe de desarrollo, centrado en la LGBTQfobia islamizada, analiza los múltiples elementos geográficos, culturales, sociopolíticos, económicos y legislativos que componen esta problemática. El segundo epígrafe de desarrollo, dedicado a la islamofobia queerizada, profundiza en el ensamblaje del homonacionalismo y constata la consolidación de lo LGBTQ en tanto que requisito de acceso a la ciudadanía y como marcador civilizacional de la alteridad musulmana. Finalmente, en el apartado de conclusiones, se presenta un resumen de los resultados del trabajo y se pincelan algunas posibles futuras líneas de investigación.

Cultural heritage, understood as the selection of sites or cultural manifestations transmitted for future generations, is rooted in the nationalist projects of states during European modernity. After the terrible consequences of the world wars this conservation model was universalized searching to preserve the heritage of mankind and supporting, at the same time, the construction of a liberal international order. Since then, international organizations have sought to direct efforts towards this goal. In 1972 the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage emerged as a result of discussions at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This convention was concerned about the deterioration or disappearance of cultural or natural heritage, something viewed as harmful and an impoverishment of the heritage of all the nations of the world. This is why the agreement summoned the states to participate in the protection of world heritage of outstanding universal value, by cultivating collective cooperation and assistance. A list of monuments and sites that form part of world heritage was established, in terms of aesthetic, historical, artistic or scientific criteria. However, over time, in the selection process of world heritage sites disputes and power asymmetries have arisen between countries around the control of space. This problem can be analyzed through Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches, spanning the historical changes and current critical debates about heritage, as well as the political processes of narratives, metaphors and social image constructions around territory. We propose that nominating a territory as a world heritage site generates its alienation. That is, states absorb local territories (understood as a social construct) into dominant national narratives and images, subsequently, countries consolidate their appropriation by enlisting their nationalized territories within the meta-narrative of world heritage. In this process, countries must participate in a highly politicized and structurally unequal international negotiation that reproduces spatial hierarchies. Ultimately, these local territories and practices suffer a process of assimilation into the allegory of world heritage. With this in mind, the aim of this study is to analyze the territorial alienation of properties inscribed on the World Heritage List by Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries as a case study. This alienation occurs because, given the conditions of UNESCO, the countries of the region must adopt an artificial set of categories, typologies and narratives, absorbing or denying other territorial practices. This paper is divided in two sections. The first section gives a brief overview of world heritage origins centered on national projects within a specific European context, and explains Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches. A discussion of the evolution of world heritage categories and symbolic aspects of power is reviewed, highlighting the imposition of historical narratives in official documents, the reproduction of aesthetic codes and the construction of imaginaries around the past of territories. The second section analyses the particular case of the World Heritage List in Latin America and the Caribbean. In order to study territorial alienations, methodologically we review countries ratifications of the 1972 convention, the total number of sites, obstacles in international negotiations, narratives, as well as historical events commemorated by the world heritage officially recognized in this part of the planet. The inscription of a site on the World Heritage List requires a nomination file. We used the UNESCO's files to detect these historical narratives and discourses. Some conclusions are drawn, our findings would seem to show that world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean are underrepresented compared to Europe and North America. In addition, these sites are geographically concentrated in South America, with the Caribbean as the least favored sub-region. At the beginning, countries were reluctant to ratify the 1972 convention due to the prevailing Cold War context, but gradually all countries in the region accepted the commitment. States like Mexico top the List of World Heritage sites, but others have no sites recognized; differences in the number of sites registered by the countries do not only stem from their geographical attributes and their historical past, but also because of the political, technical and economic potential to participate in diplomatic negotiations at UNESCO. Arguments for inscribing a site as world heritage in this region highlights the relevance of natural and exotic places. This looks like a continuity of dominant imperialist narratives during the conquest and colonization of the continent America. The separation between natural and cultural world heritage is an artificial division adopted, but contrary to some local traditions in the region. The arrival of Europeans to Latin America has been established as a time marker used for example to talk about "pre-Columbian" cultures. In any case, few sites commemorate pre-Columbian civilizations, with the exception of the Mayas and the Incas, which contrasts with the cultural diversity and traditional groups that are not part of these dominant versions of the past. It may be assumed that in historical commemorations of world heritage sites in this region, the colonial past is notoriously overvalued and magnified; that is, it is presented as a favorable stage indicating a kind of cultural sophistication for indigenous people. Amazingly, territories essential to fulfilling their goal of extracting natural resources for the European settlers are now uncritically recognized as world heritage (for example mining centers, plantations, seaports or strategic villages). Similarly, cultural sites of Roman Catholic Christianity are evoked as a favorable contribution for the historical regional memory, but denying impositions around the conflictive and complex process of evangelization; in the same way other religions and beliefs are omitted. There are many colonial sites enlisted as world heritage but very few referring to the modern history of the region, significantly reformist narratives are absent: independence movements, abolition of slavery or contemporary indigenous and black population claims are not raised. In summary, these results suggest that, from a critical perspective, the world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean allow dominant relations to continue through values of European origin, selective historical narratives and illusory images as a colonized region. As long as other relevant regional historical events or social actors are ignored, the regional past and cultural heritage will be incomplete. The region reaffirms its peripheral and subordinated position in the international system through historical narratives acritically adopted. Latin American and Caribbean territories are more than exotic landscapes and places of colonial splendor for tourism. Analyzing world heritage from a critical perspective is a way to re-center the territory as a key axis in this dynamic and to recognize other memories and spatial relations. ; La acumulación de un patrimonio cultural, como una selección de bienes o manifestaciones sociales transmitida sucesivamente para generaciones futuras, se origina en los proyectos nacionalistas de los estados durante la modernidad, principalmente en un contexto europeo. Más adelante, con las funestas consecuencias de las guerras mundiales, este modelo se universaliza para tratar de conformar un patrimonio común a toda la humanidad. A partir de entonces, instituciones internacionales como la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) han buscado dirigir los esfuerzos hacia este fin, de manera central a través de la Convención del Patrimonio Mundial de 1972. Sin embargo, la participación en estos mecanismos está fuertemente politizada y centrada en las capacidades e intereses nacionales de los países, por lo que prevalece una supeditación a estrategias geopolíticas alrededor de la figura estatal. Siguiendo este supuesto, el presente artículo busca analizar críticamente las propiedades del patrimonio mundial enlistadas según lo marcado por la convención de 1972 en el caso particular de América Latina y el Caribe (ALyC), esto desde la perspectiva teórica de la geopolítica crítica. El artículo se compone de dos secciones: en la primera se traza el origen histórico y estatista del patrimonio mundial, abordando los aportes de la teoría crítica del patrimonio y de la geopolítica crítica para estudiar este fenómeno; en la segunda se aborda particularmente la región de ALyC, revisando metodológicamente los procesos de inscripción, tipología, distribución y justificaciones del valor universal excepcional de las propiedades del patrimonio mundial en esta zona del planeta. Considerando que en las luchas interestatales influyen narrativas, imágenes y metáforas para imponer representaciones simbólicas dominantes del espacio, se propone que el patrimonio mundial es una metanarrativa que puede favorecer la alienación de territorios. Esto porque formas sociales de significar, usar y producir un territorio localmente son absorbidas por una memoria histórica nacional, en un primer momento, y alienadas más adelante dentro de un ideal patrimonial de apariencia universal, pero naturaleza selectiva. En esta alienación la imposición de versiones oficiales de la historia, valoraciones con categorías exógenas y alegorías son impuestas institucionalmente, lo cual puede reproducir una jerarquización espacial con centros y periferias. Se concluye que en el patrimonio mundial que se ubica en la región latinoamericana, pese a un proceso tardío de adhesión por desconfianza inicial a la convención de 1972, prevalece una subrepresentación frente a otras regiones del mundo, permean deficiencias estructurales entre países que impiden participar igualitariamente en los órganos decisorios y se presenta una forzada adopción de categorías patrimoniales que propicia una reproducción acrítica de narrativas históricas bajo cánones valorativos europeos. El resultado final es que muchos de estos territorios sufren un proceso de alienación donde se separa en forma artificial la relación entre ser humano y naturaleza, se menosprecia a las culturas originarias y se sobrevalora el legado del pasado colonial europeo, así como del cristianismo católico, lo cual repite una tradición extractivista y periférica de la región, absorbiendo o negando otras relaciones territoriales del pasado y presente.

This report presents results from a project that NOVA has carried out in collaboration with Fafo on behalf of the Norwegian State Housing Bank. The purpose of the project is to provide new and updated knowledge about developments that may affect the Norwegian housing market in the coming years. The analyses in this report are based primarily on the survey EU- SILC 2012, with attached register data from 2011. EU-SILC 2012 contains a module with questions about housing conditions. In addition, we have used register data on migrant workers' movement between municipalities in Norway, and information from the Population and Housing Census 2011. The report can be read as an update of previous reviews of the EU-SILC surveys in Norway with additional modules on housing conditions (1997, 2001, 2004 and 2007), but we also present new topics and analysis. We represent the results as an anthology with independent chapters. The introductory chapter provides a context for the findings in the rest of the report, by presenting figures for the number of dwellings in Norway, some aspects of housing policy including the emergence of social housing as a priority in welfare policy, and some figures on population trends. It is emphasized in the chapter that the population in Norway is increasing, much as a result of labour migration. Consequently, the number of occupied dwellings and housing prices increase. At the same time the population ages, which increases the demand for universal access in housing. The theme of the first article is housing standards and accessibility in 2012. A main conclusion from this review is that the housing stock changes slowly, so that the results resemble those from the similar review of EU-SILC 2007. By far the most common type of house in Norway is single dwelling, while just under a quarter of all households live in an apartment or townhouse. There is also stability in housing sizes. Most respondents (58 per cent) live in homes with three to five rooms (the figure in 2007 was 60 per cent). There has been no increase in the number of households living in small homes, just under 20 percent of households live in dwellings with one or two rooms. 7 per cent of Norwegian households are overcrowded by the broadest objective definition, and a clear majority says that their residence has "just the right size". Moving is far more common among the youngest age groups, and is also common among people with short periods of residence in Norway. This indicates a pattern where young adult move several times before they eventually find a home to grow old in. Relatively few say they are experiencing problems with their housing or immediate neighbourhood. The problem mentioned most often is noise: 12 percent report that they experience noise from road traffic or neighbours while indoors in their own home. The final issue discussed in this chapter is housing conditions for people with disabilities. About a third of all homes have no physical barriers that prevent disabled people from entering, and 38 percent have all rooms located on the entry level. This is a higher proportion than what was found in 2007. In the second article, the topic is housing expenses. High relative housing expenses is defined as housing expenses in excess of 25 percent of total income. Comparison with data from the late 1990s suggests that the proportions experiencing this problem are very stable over time. Young households have high housing expenses, while older households have low housing expenses. Furthermore, it is especially singles and single parents who have high relative housing expenses. We find high relative housing expenses among households living in Oslo and Akershus, compared to the rest of the country. These patterns were also found in 2007. The chapter also presents some figures for indebtedness. We take the recommendation that the debt should not exceed three times the total income as a starting point. We see that the proportion of households with a mortgage of more than 3 times their gross income decreases with age. Among 20 -year-olds more than every fourth household have such debt burdens, while the same is true for just fewer than one in five households among 30 year olds. Article three is about the rental market. Most Norwegians visit the rental market one or more times during their life. The rental market is often used in transitional periods of life, such as in education, periods with temporary employment, and immediately after family breakup. The rental sector is also important for those who do not want to, or for various reasons are unable to, buy their own home. The typical tenant is a young and single person with low incomes. Renting contracts are largely short term. Tenants tend to have short residence time and many have plans to move. The probability of remaining a tenant however increases with increasing time in the rental market. The Norwegian rental market is dominated by private hire, and there are relatively few institutional landlords. This gives the Norwegian rental market an informal character with a lack of transparency, which can make it difficult for vulnerable groups to get a foothold in this market. The informal structure of the rental sector also makes it challenging to implement legal regulations. In the fourth article we look specifically at older households' housing situation. The elderly are less mobile in the housing market than younger people. Despite this, more than every tenth household where the reference person is 67 years or older changed residence in the last five years before the interview. The proportions that have moved in old age can still be higher, since five years is a relatively short measurement period - especially for the oldest old. Many seniors live in a home that is specially adapted for a household member with disabilities, but there is also a significant proportion who does not live in such housing and who feel they ought to have a special arrangement of the dwelling. This is reported by approximately every tenth household where the reference person is 67 years or older. In this study, we use two definitions of vulnerability in the housing market: (1) Individuals and households who have low income and live in unsuitable dwellings, and (2) those who are disadvantaged by definition 1, or have low incomes and at the same time high relative housing costs. Their situation is the topic of the fifth article. We find that 7 per cent of the respondents are vulnerable by definition 1, while 12 per cent come across as vulnerable if we rely on definition 2. Whichever of these two definitions we rely on, the same groups come across as most likely to be vulnerable: those most at risk are young adults and single parents, and there is also a high percentage of tenants among the vulnerable. In the sixth and final article, we seek to identify mobility patterns among immigrants in Norway. This article uses a different data set, namely registry data on all residents in Norway. We measure moving as change of municipality of residence from one year to another, which means that we only look at the moving patterns of people who have stayed in Norway for at least two consecutive years in the period under investigation. The total number of transfers between municipalities was slightly lower in 2009-2010 than in 2005-2006. This is mainly because Norwegians moved less. Immigrants' higher proportion of movements, and the fact that the proportion of immigrants had increased in the period, explains why the number of relocations were not further reduced. In 2006, the immigrants were responsible for 16 percent of all relocations, and this percentage increased to 22 percent in 2010. All immigrant groups are more likely to move between municipalities in their first years in Norway. Immigrants from countries in Asia and Africa have the highest propensity to move to Oslo and Akershus, while migrant workers from the European Economic Area also move to other regional centres in Rogaland ( Stavanger), Hordaland (Bergen ) or Sør-Trøndelag (Trondheim). The main results of the articles are summarized in the final chapter. The results are discussed in light of the social changes that are presented in the introductory chapter, and it is pointed out how the results can be seen in the context of policy making. Major changes in the size and composition of the population affect the demand for housing. Which dwellings are available, and the price levels in the housing market, influences the expectations and opportunities individual households have on this market. A central challenge in housing policies is to ascertain to what extent the housing market balances supply and demand in a satisfactory manner so that measures to correct undesirable outcomes may be applied. Analyses of living conditions, including housing conditions, based on surveys such as EU-SILC is an important source of information in this context, but should be complemented and combined with information from other data sources. Surveys often underestimate the number of disadvantaged people in the housing market, and thus provide unreliable information about the processes that lead into, and out of, difficult positions with regard to housing. ; Tidligere har bolig vært tema for Statistisk sentralbyrås levekårsundersøkelser i 1997, 2001, 2004 og 2007. I 2012 ble boforhold innlemmet som en nasjonal modul i EU-SILC. På oppdrag fra Husbanken har NOVA i samarbeid med Fafo analysert data fra sistnevnte undersøkelse. Rapporten gir en tilstandsrapport om boforholdene i Norge i 2012, og kan leses som en oppdatering av lignende studier som NOVA har gjennomført på bakgrunn levekårsanalysene tidligere. Denne rapporten inneholder artikler om boligstandard og tilgjengelighet, boutgifter og boutgiftsbelastning, leiemarkedet, eldres boligsituasjon, vanskeligstiltes situasjon på boligmarkedet og flyttemønstre blant arbeidsinnvandrere. Artiklene er skrevet av Anne Hege Strand, Anne Skevik Grødem, Roy A. Nielsen og Hans Christian Sandlie.

The issue of minority rights protection has been actively implemented in international legal practice at the United Nations and the Council of Europe levels since the 1990s. The problem of political representation of minority interests began regulating at the level of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe with the establishment of the High Commissioner on National Minorities office. At the level of this institution with international experts participation were developed the next documents: the Lund Recommendations on the Effective Participation of National Minorities in Political Life (1999), the Warsaw Guidelines to Assist National Minority Participation in the Electoral Process (2001), the Bolzano/Bozen Recommendations on National Minorities in Inter-State Relations (2008), the Ljubljana Guidelines on Integration of Diverse Societies (2012), the Graz Recommendations on Access to Justice and National Minorities (2017), etc.The purpose of article is to highlight the international legal framework for ensuring the effective political representation of minority ethnic groups and the practice of their implementation in European countries. The author has analyzed three levels of political representation of minority ethnic groups: 1) central (nationwide); 2) regional and local (self-government); 3) advisory (consultative).During the XX – early XXI centuries the institution of ethnic party became established from the multi-ethnic areas of Western Europe to the countries of Central and Southeastern Europe. The electoral system should facilitate minority representation and influence. Where minorities are concentrated territorially, single-member districts may provide sufficient minority representation (Italy, Albania, etc.). Proportional representation systems, where a political party's share in the national vote is reflected in its share of the legislative seats, may assist in the representation of minorities (Finland, Slovakia, etc.). Some forms of preference voting, where voters rank candidates in order of choice, may facilitate minority representation and promote inter-communal cooperation (Bosnia and Herzegovina). Lower numerical thresholds for representation in the legislature may enhance the inclusion of national minorities in governance (Poland, Serbia, etc.). A number of European countries (Croatia, Slovenia, Romania, Hungary, etc.) use a reserved number of seats in one or both chambers of parliament or in parliamentary committees. Ethnic minority representation at the government level is realized through the establishment of specialized central executive bodies, which are usually represented in the structure of culture and education ministries. Representatives of ethnic minorities are involved in these government institutions. The Republic of Croatia has a positive experience of ethnic minority representation in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies.Effective ethnic minority participation is realized through the functional system of local self-governments, which are formed on territorial and non-territorial levels. A number of European ethnic communities have the territorial autonomies (Italy, Spain, France, Denmark, Finland, Moldova) owing to the processes of regionalization and decentralization. The corporative model of minority non-territorial autonomy is represented by so-called Sámi Parliaments in northern parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. The personal model of minority non-territorial autonomy is the most common in the world. It is provided through non-governmental organizations. Advisory (consultative) bodies functionate as a channel for dialogue between government and ethnic communities for protection of education, linguistic and cultural rights. They are formed at the Government (Austria) and President (Ukraine) levels as well.Given the European states experience, the following aspects of minority representation should be improved: 1) re-establishment Hungarian and Romanian single-member districts; 2) review of legislative norms regarding the principles of ethnic party institutionalization; 3) application of open-list proportional representation for minority parties in the regions of Ukraine with a multi-ethnic population. ; Починаючи з 1990-х років питання захисту прав етнічних, мовних і релігійних меншин активно впроваджується в міжнародно-правову практику на рівні ООН та Ради Європи. Однією з важливих постала проблема політичного представництва інтересів меншин, яка починає регулюватися на рівні ОБСЄ з запровадженням посади Верховного Комісара у справах національних меншин. На рівні цієї інституції за участі міжнародних експертів вироблені Лундські рекомендації про ефективну участь національних меншин у суспільно-політичному житті (1999), Варшавські рекомендації щодо сприяння участі національних меншин у виборчому процесі (2001), Больцанські/Боценські рекомендації щодо національних меншин у міждержавних відносинах (2008), Люблянські рекомендації щодо інтеграції різноманітних суспільств (2012), Грацькі рекомендації щодо доступу до правосуддя і національних меншин (2017) та ін.Метою статті є висвітлення міжнародно-правового формату забезпечення ефективного політичного представництва інтересів етнічних меншин та практики їх застосування в європейських країнах. Автор розглядає три рівні політичного представництва міноритарних етнічних груп: 1) центральний (загальнодержавний); 2) регіональний та локальний (самоврядування); 3) дорадчий (консультативний).У контексті аналізу політичного представництва етнічних меншин важливу роль займає інститут етнополітичної партії. Впродовж XX – початку XXI ст. він розширив свій ареал із поліетнічних регіонів Західної Європи до країн Центральної та Південо-Східної Європи. Справедливому представництву етнічних меншин у органах влади сприяє створення одномандатних округів (Італія, Албанія та ін.), пропорційна виборча система (Фінляндія, Словаччина та ін.), преференційне голосування (Австралія), зниження відсоткового бар'єру для проходження до парламенту етнополітичних партій (Польща, Сербія та ін.). Ряд країн Європи (Боснія і Герцеговина, Косово, Хорватія, Словенія, Румунія, Угорщина) застосовують практику резервування місць у парламенті для організацій етнічних громад. Представництво меншин на рівні уряду реалізується шляхом створення спеціальних органів центральної виконавчої влади, які зазвичай представлені в структурі міністерств культури та освіти. До роботи в цих урядових інституціях залучаються представники етнічних груп. Позитивний досвід репрезентації етнічних меншин у судових і правоохоронних органах має Республіка Хорватія.Ефективна політична участь та представництво у владі етнічних меншин реалізується через функціональну систему місцевого самоврядування, яка створюється на екстериторіальній та територіальній основі. Корпоративна модель екстериторіальної автономії меншин представлена так званими саамськими парламентами на півночі Норвегії, Швеції, Фінляндії та Росії. Найбільш розповсюджна у світі персональна модель екстериторіальної автономії етнічних меншин забезпечується шляхом створення неурядових організацій. Завдяки процесам регіоналізації та децентралізації ряд етнічних громад Європи мають статус національно-територіальних автономій (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Данія, Фінляндія, Молдова). Дорадчі (консультативні) органи слугують каналами для діалогу між державною владою та етнічними громадами в питаннях використання земельних ресурсів, житла, захисту освітніх, мовних і культурних прав. Вони формуються як на рівні уряду (Австрія), так на рівні президентської влади (Україна).Враховуючи досвід цих держав, потребують вдосконалення наступні аспекти політичної репрезентації етнічних меншин: 1) відновлення адміністративних меж угорськомовного та румунськомовного виборчих одномандатних округів; 2) перегляд законодавчої норми щодо принципів інституціоналізації етнополітичних партій; 3) застосування на регіональному та локальному рівнях пропорційної системи відкритих списків із можливістю репрезентації партій меншин у регіонах України з поліетнічним складом населення. ; Починаючи з 1990-х років питання захисту прав етнічних, мовних і релігійних меншин активно впроваджується в міжнародно-правову практику на рівні ООН та Ради Європи. Однією з важливих постала проблема політичного представництва інтересів меншин, яка починає регулюватися на рівні ОБСЄ з запровадженням посади Верховного Комісара у справах національних меншин. На рівні цієї інституції за участі міжнародних експертів вироблені Лундські рекомендації про ефективну участь національних меншин у суспільно-політичному житті (1999), Варшавські рекомендації щодо сприяння участі національних меншин у виборчому процесі (2001), Больцанські/Боценські рекомендації щодо національних меншин у міждержавних відносинах (2008), Люблянські рекомендації щодо інтеграції різноманітних суспільств (2012), Грацькі рекомендації щодо доступу до правосуддя і національних меншин (2017) та ін.Метою статті є висвітлення міжнародно-правового формату забезпечення ефективного політичного представництва інтересів етнічних меншин та практики їх застосування в європейських країнах. Автор розглядає три рівні політичного представництва міноритарних етнічних груп: 1) центральний (загальнодержавний); 2) регіональний та локальний (самоврядування); 3) дорадчий (консультативний).У контексті аналізу політичного представництва етнічних меншин важливу роль займає інститут етнополітичної партії. Впродовж XX – початку XXI ст. він розширив свій ареал із поліетнічних регіонів Західної Європи до країн Центральної та Південо-Східної Європи. Справедливому представництву етнічних меншин у органах влади сприяє створення одномандатних округів (Італія, Албанія та ін.), пропорційна виборча система (Фінляндія, Словаччина та ін.), преференційне голосування (Австралія), зниження відсоткового бар'єру для проходження до парламенту етнополітичних партій (Польща, Сербія та ін.). Ряд країн Європи (Боснія і Герцеговина, Косово, Хорватія, Словенія, Румунія, Угорщина) застосовують практику резервування місць у парламенті для організацій етнічних громад. Представництво меншин на рівні уряду реалізується шляхом створення спеціальних органів центральної виконавчої влади, які зазвичай представлені в структурі міністерств культури та освіти. До роботи в цих урядових інституціях залучаються представники етнічних груп. Позитивний досвід репрезентації етнічних меншин у судових і правоохоронних органах має Республіка Хорватія.Ефективна політична участь та представництво у владі етнічних меншин реалізується через функціональну систему місцевого самоврядування, яка створюється на екстериторіальній та територіальній основі. Корпоративна модель екстериторіальної автономії меншин представлена так званими саамськими парламентами на півночі Норвегії, Швеції, Фінляндії та Росії. Найбільш розповсюджна у світі персональна модель екстериторіальної автономії етнічних меншин забезпечується шляхом створення неурядових організацій. Завдяки процесам регіоналізації та децентралізації ряд етнічних громад Європи мають статус національно-територіальних автономій (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Данія, Фінляндія, Молдова). Дорадчі (консультативні) органи слугують каналами для діалогу між державною владою та етнічними громадами в питаннях використання земельних ресурсів, житла, захисту освітніх, мовних і культурних прав. Вони формуються як на рівні уряду (Австрія), так на рівні президентської влади (Україна).Враховуючи досвід цих держав, потребують вдосконалення наступні аспекти політичної репрезентації етнічних меншин: 1) відновлення адміністративних меж угорськомовного та румунськомовного виборчих одномандатних округів; 2) перегляд законодавчої норми щодо принципів інституціоналізації етнополітичних партій; 3) застосування на регіональному та локальному рівнях пропорційної системи відкритих списків із можливістю репрезентації партій меншин у регіонах України з поліетнічним складом населення.

El estudio de las prácticas políticas transnacionales de los migrantes ha tenido diversos niveles de participación en el amplio campo de las migraciones internacionales, y ha sido una preocupación relativamente reciente en Europa y América Latina, donde está menos desarrollado que en Estados Unidos. En consecuencia, son escasos los trabajos que abordan el transnacionalismo político de colombianos, lo cual contrasta con el número de investigaciones que abordan el desplazamiento forzado y la migración colombiana.De los trabajos existentes, en Estados Unidos, resaltan especialmente las investigaciones comparativas entre grupos de inmigrantes, desde metodologías cuantitativas y bajo el enfoque analítico de las redes sociales; mientras que, en Europa, se destaca el estudio de casos específicos, que articulan la teoría de la acción colectiva y la teoría de los factores push-pull, bajo metodologías cualitativas. En todos los casos, las investigaciones que se preguntan por las prácticas políticas de los colombianos con respecto al contexto de salida, homeland politics, son aquellas que mayor atención han tenido a nivel general.El transnacionalismo político es un campo de estudios relativamente nuevo, y conviene resaltar su importancia en tanto que busca atender a la dimensión política de la migración, en este caso de colombianos, no solo como causa —pues al respecto existe un patrimonio importante de investigaciones—, sino como práctica política de participación de estos migrantes en otras latitudes.En este orden de ideas, el objetivo de esta investigación no es hacer teoría de las migraciones internacionales, sino aproximarme a describir las diferentes perspectivas desde las cuales ha sido abordado el transnacionalismo político de los colombianos. Para esto, trabajé desde el paradigma histórico hermenéutico, que me permitió hacer un rastreo comprensivo del fenómeno social a través del estado del arte; dicho paradigma se entiende como investigación de la investigación, en tanto que busca establecer un panorama del patrimonio investigativo existente sobre un tema, para derivar en nuevas reflexiones, preguntas y abordajes sobre este. Dicho esto mi objetivo en este trabajo no es hacer teoría de las migraciones internacionales, sino aproximarme a describir las diferentes perspectivas analíticas desde las que ha sido abordado el trasnacionalismo político de los colombianos, reconociendo que es un campo relativamente nuevo dentro de los estudios migratorios. En este sentido, organizaré la presentación así: primero, presentaré el abordaje metodológico que sustenta el estado de la cuestión; segundo daré cuenta de las investigaciones enfocadas a las prácticas de los inmigrantes con respecto al país de origen; tercero presentaré los trabajos que enfatizan en las prácticas políticas en el contexto de recepción con respecto a su situación de inmigrantes; cuarto presentaré los trabajos que triangulan "Inmigrant politics" y "homeland politics"; y quinto, daré mis conclusiones frente al campo de estudios y el panorama del transnacionalismo político de los colombianos.Para efectos de esta investigación trabajé desde el paradigma histórico hermenéutico, puesto que me permite hacer un rastreo comprensivo del fenómeno social bajo la perspectiva del estado del arte. Los estados del arte son entendidos como "investigación de la investigación". en tanto buscan establecer un panorama del patrimonio investigativo existente sobre un tema, para derivar en nuevas reflexiones, preguntas y abordajes del mismo.Palabras claves: transnacionalismo político, migración, colombianos, organizaciones sociales, participación política. ; The study of the transnational political practices of migrants has featured different levels of participation in the broad field of international migrations, and it is a relatively recent concern in Europe and Latin America, where it is less developed than in the United States. Consequently, there are few works that address the transnationalism of Colombians, a fact that contrasts with the number of research studies that address forced displacement and Colombian migration. The works that stand out in the United States are comparative studies of immigrant groups, using quantitative methodologies and social networks as an analytical approach. In Europe, on the other hand, those that stand out are study of specific cases, articulating the theory of collective action and that of push-pull factors and using qualitative methodologies. In all cases, the issue that has received the most attention in general is that of homeland politics, or the political practices of Colombians in their context of origin.Political transnationalism is a relatively new field of study, whose importance deserves to be highlighted since it deals with the political aspect of migration, in this case of Colombians, not merely as a cause —since there is abundant research in that respect—, but as a political practice of participation of the migrants in other geographies.In this order of ideas, the objective of this research is not to develop a theory of international migrations, but to describe the different perspectives from which the political transnationalism of Colombians has been addressed. To that effect, I based my work on the hermeneutic historical paradigm, which allowed me to comprehensively track that social phenomenon in the state of the art. This paradigm is understood as research of research, insofar as it seeks to provide an overview of the existing repertoire of research regarding a particular topic, in order to lay the ground for new reflections, questions, and approaches on the matter. Having said that, my objective in this work is not to make international migrations theory, but to approach to describe the different analytical perspectives from which the political transnationalism of Colombians has been addressed, recognizing that it is a relatively new field within the migratory studies. In this sense, I will organize the presentation as follows: first, I will present the methodological approach that supports the state of the question; second, I will give an account of the research focused on the practices of immigrants with respect to the country of origin; third, I will present the papers that emphasize the political practices in the context of reception with respect to their situation as immigrants; fourth I will present the works that triangulate "Inmigrant politics" and "homeland politics"; and fifth, I will give my conclusions in front of the field of studies and the panorama of the political transnationalism of the Colombians.For the purposes of this research, I worked from the historical hermeneutical paradigm, since it allows me to make a comprehensive tracking of the social phenomenon from the perspective of the state of the art. The states of art are understood as "research of the investigation". while they seek to establish a panorama of the existing research heritage on a topic, to derive new reflections, questions and approaches from it. ; O estudo das práticas políticas transnacionais dos migrantes vem tendo diversos níveis de participação no amplo campo das migrações internacionais, sendo uma preocupação relativamente recente na Europa e na América Latina, onde está menos desenvolvido do que nos Estados Unidos. Por consequência, são escassos os trabalhos que abordam o transnacionalismo político de colombianos, o que contrasta com o número de pesquisas que abordam o deslocamento forçado e a migração colombiana. Dos trabalhos existentes, nos Estados Unidos, ressaltam especialmente as pesquisas comparativas entre grupos de imigrantes, a partir de metodologias quantitativas e sob a abordagem analítica das redes sociais; enquanto, na Europa, é destacado o estudo de casos específicos que articulam a teoria da ação coletiva e a teoria dos fatores push-pull, com base em metodologias qualitativas. Em todos os casos, as pesquisas sobre as práticas políticas dos colombianos a respeito do contexto de saída, homeland politics, são as que mais atenção têm recebido em geral. O transnacionalismo político é um campo de estudos relativamente novo e convém ressaltar sua importância não somente como causa — visto que, a respeito, existe um patrimônio importante de pesquisas —, mas sim como prática política de participação desses migrantes em outras latitudes. Nesse sentido, o objetivo desta pesquisa não é fazer teoria das migrações internacionais, mas sim se aproximar da descrição das diferentes perspectivas a partir das quais o transnacionalismo político dos colombianos vem sendo abordado. Para isso, trabalhei sob o paradigma histórico-hermenêutico, que me permitiu fazer um rastreamento compreensivo do fenômeno social por meio do estado da arte; esse paradigma é entendido como pesquisa da pesquisa, pois busca estabelecer um panorama do patrimônio de pesquisa existente sobre um tema para derivar em novas reflexões, perguntas e abordagens. Tendo dito que o meu objetivo neste papel não é teoria da migração internacional, mas para aproximar descrever as diferentes perspectivas de análise a partir do qual foi abordada transnacionalismo político dos colombianos, reconhecendo que é um campo relativamente novo nos estudos de migração. Nesse sentido, organizarei a apresentação da seguinte maneira: primeiro, apresentarei a abordagem metodológica que sustenta o estado da questão; em segundo lugar, apresentarei um relato da pesquisa centrada nas práticas dos imigrantes em relação ao país de origem; terceiro, apresentarei os artigos que enfatizam as práticas políticas no contexto da recepção com relação à sua situação como imigrantes; quarta, apresentarei as obras que triangulam "política imigrante" e "política interna"; e quinto, vou dar minhas conclusões diante do campo de estudos e do panorama do transnacionalismo político dos colombianos.Para os propósitos desta pesquisa, trabalhei a partir do paradigma hermenêutico histórico, uma vez que me permite fazer um acompanhamento abrangente do fenômeno social a partir da perspectiva do estado da arte. Os estados de arte são entendidos como "pesquisa da investigação". enquanto eles buscam estabelecer um panorama do patrimônio de pesquisa existente sobre um tópico, para derivar novas reflexões, questões e abordagens a partir dele.Palavras-chave: transnacionalismo político, migração, colombianos, organizações sociais, participação política.

Programa Oficial de Doutoramento en Dereito Administrativo Iberoamericano. 5013V01 ; [Abstract] The 2008 Constitution defines Ecuador as a constitutional State of rights and justice, social, democratic, sovereign, independent, unitary, intercultural, plurinational and secular, for which it adheres to the philosophical, legal and political current of the fair State1, the tutelage strong of rights, the normative force of the Constitution and the democratic principle of popular sovereignty. The new Charter was ascribed to neo-constitutionalism, and as a consequence of the adoption of the State model, it became the constitutionalization of the legal system and the constitutionalization of administrative law in particular, as well as the constitutionalization of public administration. According to the Constitutional Court itself, with the entry into force of the Constitution, "the adoption of neo-constitutionalism as a State ideology"2 was operated, but a new type of law also emerged, the constitutionalized right of values, principles, rules, weighting and legal pluralism. This new political legal model conditions the meaning of public administration, which it defines as a service to the community governed by the principles of effectiveness, efficiency, quality, hierarchy, deconcentration, decentralization, coordination, participation, planning, transparency and evaluation3. On the other hand, the Código Orgánico Administrativo4, in force since July 2018, promulgated almost ten years after the issuance of the Constitutional Charter, models the profile of the public administration so that it corresponds to the fundamental order and is subordinate to it. Thus, the new code enshrines the "fundamental right to good public administration", develops the constitutional principles and adds others, which make up the axiological plexus that defines the public administration diagrammed by the legal system, such as legality, responsibility, proportionality and good faith. With these antecedents, this thesis explains the essential features of the public administration model that is inherent to the constitutional State of rights and justice, differentiating it from the public administration model of the State based on law; analyzes the fundamental aspects that make up this political legal model and its relationship with the elements of public administration; and, bases the proposal for the construction of a system of standards and performance indicators pertaining to public administration, so that it is in harmony with the constitutional state model of rights and justice. The thesis revolves around the essential question, how to contribute to the realization of the public administration model in correspondence with the model of the constitutional State of rights and justice in Ecuador? It is based on the hypothesis according to which the concretion of a public administration model compatible with the constitutional State of rights and justice, will be possible through the definition of standards and performance indicators that approximate the theoretical duty with the real practices of the administrative function of the State. The thesis covers the study of the constitutional state model of rights and justice; the constitutionalization of law in general and of administrative law in particular; the trends of the administrative function and administrative law; the implications of the fundamental political legal model in public administration; the rights and fundamental guarantees of citizens vis-à-vis the public administration; citizen participation and public administration; transparency and public administration; constitutional jurisprudence and public administration; standards and indicators of public administration required by the constitutional State of rights and justice. ; [Resumo] A Constitución de 2008 define a Ecuador como un Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza, social, democrático, soberano, independente, unitario, intercultural, plurinacional e laico1, polo que se adhire á corrente filosófica, xurídica e política do xusto Estado, a tutela forte de dereitos, a forza normativa da Constitución e o principio democrático da soberanía popular. A nova Carta adscribiuse ao neoconstitucionalismo e, como consecuencia da adopción do modelo de Estado, converteuse na constitucionalización do sistema xurídico e na constitucionalización do dereito administrativo en particular, así como na constitucionalización da administración pública. Segundo o propio Tribunal Constitucional, coa entrada en vigor da Constitución, operouse "a adopción do neoconstitucionalismo como ideoloxía de Estado"2, pero tamén xurdiu un novo tipo de lei, o dereito constitucionalizado de valores, principios, regras, etc. ponderación e pluralismo xurídico. Este novo modelo xurídico político condiciona o significado da administración pública, que define como un servizo á comunidade rexido polos principios de eficacia, eficiencia, calidade, xerarquía, desconcentración, descentralización, coordinación, participación, planificación, transparencia e avaliación3. Por outra banda, o Código Orgánico Administrativo4, vixente desde xullo de 2018, promulgado case dez anos despois da emisión da Carta constitucional, modela o perfil da administración pública para que se corresponda coa orde fundamental e estea subordinada a ela. Así, o novo código recolle o "dereito fundamental a unha boa administración pública", desenvolve os principios constitucionais e engade outros, que conforman o plexo axiolóxico que define a administración pública diagramada polo sistema xurídico, como legalidade, responsabilidade, proporcionalidade e boa fe. Con estes antecedentes, esta tese explica os trazos esenciais do modelo de administración pública inherente ao Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza, diferenciándoo do modelo de administración pública do Estado baseado no dereito; analiza os aspectos fundamentais que conforman este modelo xurídico político e a súa relación cos elementos da administración pública; e, basea a proposta para a construción dun sistema de estándares e indicadores de rendemento relativos á administración pública, de xeito que estea en harmonía co modelo estatal constitucional de dereitos e xustiza. A tese xira en torno á cuestión esencial: como contribuír á realización do modelo de administración pública en correspondencia co modelo do Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza en Ecuador? Baséase na hipótese segundo a cal a concreción dun modelo de administración pública compatible co Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza será posible a través da definición de estándares e indicadores de rendemento que aproximen o deber teórico coas prácticas reais do función administrativa do Estado. A tese abrangue o estudo do modelo constitucional de dereitos e xustiza; a constitucionalización do dereito en xeral e do dereito administrativo en particular; as tendencias da función administrativa e do dereito administrativo; as implicacións do modelo legal político fundamental na administración pública; os dereitos e garantías fundamentais dos cidadáns fronte á administración pública; participación cidadá e administración pública; transparencia e administración pública; xurisprudencia constitucional e administración pública; normas e indicadores de administración pública requiridos polo Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza. ; [Resumen] La Constitución de 2008 define al Ecuador como Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia, social, democrático, soberano, independiente, unitario, intercultural, plurinacional y laico1, por lo que se adhiere a la corriente filosófica, jurídica y política del Estado justo, la tutela fuerte de los derechos, la fuerza normativa de la Constitución y el principio democrático de soberanía popular. La nueva Carta se adscribió al neoconstitucionalismo, y como consecuencia de la adopción del modelo de Estado, devino la constitucionalización del ordenamiento jurídico y la constitucionalización del derecho administrativo en particular, así como la constitucionalización de la administración pública. Según la propia Corte Constitucional, con la entrada en vigencia de la Constitución, se operó "la adopción del neoconstitucionalismo como ideología de Estado"2, pero también surgió un nuevo tipo de derecho, el derecho constitucionalizado de los valores, los principios, las reglas, la ponderación y el pluralismo jurídico. Este nuevo modelo jurídico político condiciona el sentido de la administración pública, a la que define como un servicio a la colectividad regido por los principios de eficacia, eficiencia, calidad, jerarquía, desconcentración, descentralización, coordinación, participación, planificación, transparencia y evaluación3. Por otra parte, el Código Orgánico Administrativo4, vigente desde julio de 2018, promulgado casi diez años después de la expedición de la Carta constitucional modela el perfil de la administración pública para que ésta se corresponda con el orden fundamental y se subordine a él. Así, el nuevo código consagra el "derecho fundamental a la buena administración pública", desarrolla los principios constitucionales y agrega otros, que integran el plexo axiológico que define a la administración pública diagramada por el ordenamiento jurídico, como los de juridicidad, responsabilidad, proporcionalidad y buena fe. Con estos antecedentes, la presente tesis explica los rasgos esenciales del modelo de administración pública que le es inherente al Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia, diferenciándolo del modelo de administración pública del Estado basado en la ley; analiza los aspectos fundamentales que configuran ese modelo jurídico político y su relación con los elementos de la administración pública; y, fundamenta la propuesta para la construcción de un sistema de estándares e indicadores de desempeño atinentes a la administración pública, a fin de que ésta guarde armonía con el modelo de Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia. La tesis gira en torno a la pregunta esencial ¿cómo contribuir a la concreción del modelo de administración pública en correspondencia con el modelo de Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia en el Ecuador?. Se parte de la hipótesis según la cual la concreción de modelo de administración pública compatible con el Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia, será posible a través de la definición de estándares e indicadores de desempeño que aproximen el deber ser teórico con las práctica reales de la función administrativa del Estado. La tesis abarca el estudio del modelo de Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia; la constitucionalización del derecho en general y del derecho administrativo en particular; las tendencias de la función administrativa y del derecho administrativo; las implicaciones del modelo jurídico político fundamental en la administración pública; los derechos y las garantías fundamentales de los ciudadanos frente a la administración pública; la participación ciudadana y la administración pública; la transparencia y la administración pública; la jurisprudencia constitucional y la administración pública; estándares e indicadores de la administración pública que exige el Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia.

In the context of climate change, the destruction and degradation of ecosystems, and many environmental problems and disasters in all parts of the world, environmental discourses such as growth limits, ecological modernization and sustainable development have proliferated (Dryzek 2013). Many governments, as well as international organizations have responded to the growing environmental concerns by adapting and tightening their environmental legislation. In some cases, it has been possible to implement concrete measures on-site and to solve existing problems. However, overall, environmental discourses have had limited impact in achieving tangible action. This is particularly evident in the progressive expansion of industrial- and commodity-based land uses with substantial negative social and ecological impacts, especially those countries in the tropics and subtropics with emerging economies. Why do environmental discourses sometimes translate into policies and sometimes not, and when, and under what conditions, are some then put into practice? This study deals with the problem of "turning words into action" and examines the case study of the Bolivian government under Evo Morales, which explicitly refers to the environmental discourse Buen Vivir ("good living"). The aim is to better understand the challenge of translating words into action to potentially foster the practical relevance of environmental discourses in order to positively influence the social and ecological dimensions of rural development. A discourse is a set of ideas, categorizations and concepts that reflect a particular interpretation of the world. Environmental discourses are discursive constructs that define how we perceive nature, how environmental claims are shaped, and how we deal with environmental problems (Hajer 1995). Dominant environmental discourses are those that translate into normative frameworks after their discursive elements are naturalized, and they ascribe some consensus of meaning. This study focuses on the dominant environmental discourse of Buen Vivir in Bolivia. Buen Vivir has become dominant in Bolivia as an 'alternative to development', and translated into national normative frameworks. Buen Vivir (or 'good living'), is the Spanish reference of the Quechua and Aymara words Sumac Kawsay and Suma Qamaña, respectively (Merino Acuña, 2016a). It promotes a harmonious relationship between humans and nature, in which the well-being of people and the survival of animals, plants, and ecosystems are ensured (Gudynas, 2013). In Bolivia, this discourse gained political attention during the late 1990s and early 2000s, and was adopted in its Constitution in 2009. The study follows three research goals. The first is to determine what makes an environmental discourse dominant. To this end, the study develops a four-dimensional analytical approach: content, actors, strategic practices and context. Using this approach, the study reconstructs the discursive process that led to the dominance of Buen Vivir. The second is to assess the practical relevance of Buen Vivir. This is achieved by determining if and to what extent relevant agricultural policies and socio-environmental manifestations, developing during the Morales administration, are compatible with the principles of Buen Vivir. The third is to explore what influences the practical relevance of dominant environmental discourses by exploring which factors influence the consideration of dominant environmental discourses in decisions of policymakers and land users. This is undertaken by examining subjective perceptions of the two actor groups on the role of a set of factors within three conceptual categories (political hegemony, operational capacity and personal priorities) in influencing policy and land use decisions. Finally, the plausibility of the results of the subjective perceptions is checked by looking at the socio-environmental manifestations and further land use and sectoral policy trends. The analysis showed that all four dimensions examined (content, actors, strategic practices and context) contributed to the dominance of the Buen Vivir discourse. It became clear that dominance resulted from a complex, interactive process that addresses a structural problem of society as a whole (indigenousness) and is part of broader socio-political struggles (decolonization). Concerning the relevance of Buen Vivir for the formulation of sector policies, the analysis showed very different results. For example, Buen Vivir is highly relevant for irrigation and food security policies, of moderate relevance for agricultural reform and agricultural development policies, and has no relevance for energy policies. In this respect, it must be stated that, especially, environmental policy areas were hardly influenced by Buen Vivir. Accordingly, the analyzed indicators of socio-environmental manifestations, such as deforestation and environmental degradation, hardly reflect the principles of Buen Vivir on land-use dynamics. Social aspects, such as smallholders' access to land and resources, staple vs commodity crops, as well as poverty and inequality, on the other hand, partly show greater compatibility with Buen Vivir. Nevertheless, the overall practical relevance of Buen Vivir is rather low. A greater practical relevance of Buen Vivir is necessarily subordinated to influencing factors from the category of political hegemony. In particular, the interests and preferences of the dominant political forces that limit the consideration of the principles of Buen Vivir limit in political decision-making processes. The lack of operational capacity by government agencies also has a negative impact on the implementation of Buen Vivir. In addition, personal preferences of politicians and land users influence the practical relevance of Buen Vivir. The results show that the practical relevance of environmental discourses depends on a complex network of various mutually influencing factors. It is difficult to influence the underlying processes and actors in a targeted manner in order to increase the practical relevance of eligible discourses. Nevertheless, it appears possible to identify opportunities for time and actor-suitable stimuli based on precise observation and analysis of socio-political processes and their actors. Moreover, the strengthening of advocacy coalitions is particularly effective in order to achieve political leverage. Relevant social groups, organizations and authorities can also be strengthened, for example through improved access to knowledge, resources and networks, as well as support in communication and the opportunities for political participation. Such supportive measures are particularly promising if a structuring problem for society as a whole exists or can be found that affects all four dimensions of the discourse. ; Im Kontext von Klimawandel, der Zerstörung und Degradierung von Ökosystem, und vieler Umweltproblem und -katastrophen in allen Teilen der Welt, haben sich kritische Umweltdiskurse zu Wachstumsgrenzen, ökologischer Modernisierung und nachhaltiger Entwicklung weiter etabliert (Dryzek 2013). Viele Regierungen und auch die internationale Gemeinschaft haben reagiert und damit begonnen, ihre Umweltgesetzgebungen anzupassen und zu verschärfen. In manchen Fällen ist es gelungen, konkrete Maßnahmen vor Ort umzusetzen, und Probleme zumindest punktuell zu lösen. Jedoch sind insgesamt den Umweltdiskursen nur unzureichend Taten gefolgt. Dies zeigt sich insbesondere auch in einer weitestgehend ungebremst voranschreitenden Landnutzungsdynamik mit ihren massiven negativen sozialen und ökologischen vor allem in den wirtschaftlich weniger entwickelten Ländern der Tropen und Subtropen. Warum aber werden Umweltdiskurse manchmal in Politiken umgesetzt, und manchmal nicht, und wann und unter welchen Bedingungen werden diese dann auch in die Praxis umgesetzt? Diese Studie beschäftigt sich mit diesem Problem des "Umsetzens von Worten in Taten" und untersucht dazu das Fallbeispiel der bolivianischen Regierung unter Evo Morales, die sich explizit auf den Umweltdiskurs Buen Vivir bezieht. Dadurch sollen die Herausforderung Worte in Taten umzusetzen besser verstanden werden, um letztendlich abschätzen, ob und wie es möglich sein könnte, die praktische Relevanz von Umweltdiskursen zu fördern, um die soziale und ökologische Dimension von ländlicher Entwicklung positive zu beeinflussen. Diskurse bestehen aus einer Folge von Ideen, Kategorisierungen und Konzepten, die eine bestimmte Interpretation der Welt widerspiegeln. Umweltdiskurse sind diskursive Konstrukte, die definieren, wie wir die Natur wahrnehmen, wie Umweltansprüche geformt werden und wie wir mit Umweltproblemen umgehen (Hajer 1995). Dominante Diskurse sind diejenigen, die sich nach der Naturalisation ihrer diskursiven Elemente in normative Rahmenbedingungen übersetzen lassen und eine Art Bedeutungskonsens zuschreiben. Diese Studie beschäftigt sich mit dem dominanten Umweltdiskurs des Buen Vivir im Kontext Boliviens. Buen Vivir (frei übersetzt "gutes Leben") stellt einen Diskurs zu einem alternativen Entwicklungsmodell dar und findet sich in Bolivien in wichtigen nationale Rahmengesetzen wieder. Buen Vivir ist die spanische Referenz der Quechua- und Aymara-Wörter Sumac Kawsay und Suma Qamaña (Merino Acuña 2016b). Buen Vivir zielt auf eine harmonische Beziehung zwischen Mensch und Natur ab, in der das Wohlergehen der Menschen und das Überleben von Tieren, Pflanzen und Ökosystemen gewährleistet ist (Gudynas 2013). In Bolivien erlangte dieser Diskurs in den späten 1990er politische Aufmerksamkeit und wurde 2009 in die Verfassung aufgenommen. Die Studie folgt drei Forschungszielen: Das erste Ziel besteht darin, herauszufinden, was Umweltdiskurse dominant macht. Die Studie entwickelt dazu einen analytischen Ansatz mit den vier Dimension: Inhalt, Akteur, strategische Praktiken und Kontexte, und rekonstruiert auf dieser Grundlage den diskursiven Prozess, der zur Dominanz von Buen Vivir geführt hat. In einem zweiten Schritt wird die praktische Relevanz von Buen Vivir bewertet, in dem festgestellt wird, inwieweit relevante Agrarpolitiken und sozio-ökologische Dynamiken während der Präsidentschaft von Evo Morales mit den Prinzipien von Buen Vivir kompatible sind. Schließlich wird untersucht, welche Faktoren Politiker und Landnutzer beeinflussen, dominante Umweltdiskurse in ihren Entscheidungen zu berücksichtigen. Dazu werden Repräsentanten relevanter Akteursgruppen befragt, um ihre subjektiven Wahrnehmung zur Bedeutung von Einflussfaktoren aus drei konzeptionellen Kategorien, politische Hegemonie, operative Kapazität, und persönliche Prioritäten) abzuschätzen. Abschließend wird die Plausibilität der erzielten Ergebnisse geprüft, in dem sie mit den tatsächlichen Dynamiken in Politik und Landnutzung konfrontiert werden. Die Analyse zeigte, dass alle vier untersuchten Dimensionen (Inhalt, Akteure, strategische Praktiken und Kontext) zur politischen Relevanz von Buen Vivir beigetragen haben. Es wurde deutlich, dass dieser Relevanz ein hochkomplexer, interaktiver Prozess zu Grunde lag, der auf ein strukturierendes gesamtgesellschaftliches Problem (Indigenität) thematisiert, und Teil umfassenderer gesellschaftspolitischer Kämpfe (Entkolonialisierung) ist. In Bezug auf die Relevanz von Buen Vivir für die Formulierung von Sektorpolitiken zeigte die Analyse sehr unterschiedliche Ergebnisse. So hat Buen Vivir für Bewässerungs- und Ernährungssicherheitspolitiken eine hohe Relevanz, für Politiken der Agrarreform und der landwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung nur eine mäßige, und für Energiepolitiken überhaupt keine Relevanz. Insofern muss festgestellt werden, dass gerade umweltrelevante Politikfelder kaum von Buen Vivir beeinflusst wurden. Entsprechend spiegeln auch die analysierten Umweltindikatoren, wie zum Beispiel Entwaldung und Umweltdegradierung, zur Landnutzungsdynamik die Prinzipien von Buen Vivir kaum wieder. Soziale Aspekte, wie der Zugang von Kleinbauern zu Land und Ressourcen, Grundnahrungsmitteln und Rohstoffen sowie Armut und Ungleichheit, dagegen zeigen zum Teil eine höhere Kompatibilität mit Buen Vivir. Dennoch ist die praktische Relevanz von Buen Vivir insgesamt eher gering. Eine höhere praktische Relevanz von Buen Vivir stehen vor allem Einflussfaktoren aus der Kategorie der politischen Hegemonie entgegen. Insbesondere beschränken Interessen und Präferenzen der dominierenden politischen Kräfte die den Prinzipien von Buen Vivir entgegenstehen, dessen stärkere Berücksichtigung in politischen Entscheidungsprozessen. Auch fehlende operationale Kapazitäten von Regierungsstellen wirken sich negativ auf die Umsetzung von Buen Vivir aus. Schließlich beeinflussen persönliche Präferenzen von Politikern und Landnutzern die praktische Relevanz von Buen Vivir. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die praktische Relevanz von Umweltdiskursen von einem komplexen Geflecht verschiedenster sich gegenseitig beeinflussender Faktoren abhängt. Es ist schwierig die dahinterstehenden Prozesse und Akteure gezielt zu beeinflussen, um die praktische Relevanz förderungswürdiger Diskurse zu erhöhen. Es erscheint dennoch möglich, auf der Grundlage einer genauen Beobachtung und Analyse der gesellschaftspolitischen Prozesse und deren Akteure, Möglichkeiten für zeit- und akteursoptimierte Stimuli zu identifizieren. Besonders effektiv ist dabei die Stärkung von Interessenvertretungskoalitionen, um politische Hebelwirkung zu erzielen. Auch können relevante soziale Gruppen, Organisationen und Behörden gestärkt werden, etwa durch verbesserten Zugang zu Wissen, Ressourcen und Netzwerken, sowie die Unterstützung bei Kommunikation und den Möglichkeiten politischer Partizipation. Vielversprechend sind solche unterstützenden Maßnahmen vor allen dann, wenn ein strukturierendes gesamtgesellschaftliches Problem existiert bzw. gefunden werden kann, dass in alle vier Dimension des Diskurses wirkt.

Alternative agri-food networks (AFNs) build distribution schemes, in which, as the number of intermediaries is reduced, those who produce have greater decision-making capacity and autonomy towards their products, as they approach the final consumers. In these networks, in addition to the closeness between actors, another alternative logic is incorporated into production from the agro-ecological perspective and the social and solidarity economy. Likewise, networks require mechanisms in the configuration of rules and decision-making, to the extent that they arise as processes of collective action from actors and organizations of civil society. All these elements give a political character to the AFNs; at the same time, it represents a challenge to promote their growth and their potential for transformation towards food sovereignty and, derived from it, towards guaranteeing the right to food. AFNs are analysed as collective actions with heterarchical governance processes, evaluating how this operates in a case study. Thus, the development of the theoretical framework and the conceptualization of heterarchical governance for the AFNs were carried out together with the participant observation in the study of the experience of the Regional Integration Committee for food sovereignty and autonomy - SALSA, Bogotá - Cundinamarca. Likewise, the results obtained from the different methodologies used were interpreted in the light of a participatory exercise with actors from the Comité Salsa and by the reflections of the people interviewed and surveyed. The experience of this network was described, with emphasis on the markets advanced by the organizations that comprise it. Based on fieldwork and literature review on AFNs (theories and cases), governance, and the social and solidarity economy, conceptual bases were established for the application of heterarchy in AFN governance, which is generated through horizontal and dynamic relationships. Subsequently, the behaviour of the relational dynamics around AFNs was deepened from the case study. Four types of relationships (peers, informants, interlocutors and co-operators) and three attributes of the relationships (cohesion, trust and synergy) were considered. The analysis of social networks was used, for whose interpretation the contextualization of the case configured from the fieldwork and the application of the net-map tool was essential. From this tool, it was possible to incorporate the reading made by some delegates of the Comité Salsa in front of the networks designed by themselves in the participatory mapping. The low dimension of the mapped networks is accompanied by a low density, warning of flaws in the cohesion of the networks. This is confirmed with the analysis of the attributes considered, as well as with the cohesion analysis by identifying subgroups. Nine organizations were found more closely linked and part of a subgroup in the network of cooperation. Among these organizations, six appear recurrently as those with the highest level of centrality, intermediation, and closeness. These elements must be considered to seek rapprochement with peripheral actors and to stimulate interactions within the Comité Salsa. In addition, a multi-criteria model was built for the analysis of heterarchical governance, considering the dimensions of sustainability, effectiveness, participation, legitimacy, and efficiency of AFNs as collective actions. The Network Analytical Process was used to establish the weight of the criteria associated with such dimensions, incorporating the value judgment of academic experts and participants from organizations related to alternative agri-food systems; the participation criteria obtained a higher weight, evidencing the horizontal and reflective nature of AFNs. Through a questionnaire applied to leaders of 16 organizations of the Comité Salsa, information was constructed to assess the four markets articulated to the network from the criteria of the model for the analysis of governance. The fieldwork was decisive to contribute to the interpretation of the estimation of the variables identified in the model. Markets show considerable variability among them, but generally, they have strengths in the dimensions of legitimacy and efficiency. These areas can be exploited to improve performance in the dimensions of sustainability and participation. Finally, the markets articulated to the Salsa Committee can be understood as transformation niches that still require greater dynamism to link actors of different profiles and sectors. However, to date they have managed to build a base to give continuity to alternative production projects and favour the recognition of producers. In this sense, some lines of future research are suggested at the end of this thesis, in terms of concepts to be explored and methodological aspects to be considered. ; Las redes agroalimentarias alternativas (AFN, por sus siglas en inglés) construyen esquemas de distribución, en los que, al reducirse el número de intermediarios y aproximarse a los consumidores finales, quienes producen poseen mayor capacidad de decisión y autonomía frente a sus productos. En esas redes, además de la cercanía entre actores, acá contemplada desde la economía social y solidaria, se incorpora otra lógica alternativa en la producción desde la agroecológica. Así mismo, las redes precisan de mecanismos particulares en la configuración de reglas y toma decisiones, en la medida que surgen como procesos de acción colectiva desde actores y organizaciones de la sociedad civil. Todos estos elementos dan un carácter político a las AFN, a la vez que supone un reto para fomentar su crecimiento y su potencial de transformación hacia la soberanía alimentaria y, derivado de esta, hacia la garantía del derecho a la alimentación. Se analizan las AFN como acciones colectivas con procesos de gobernanza heterárquica, evaluando cómo esta opera en un caso de estudio. Así, el desarrollo del marco teórico y la conceptualización de la gobernanza heterárquica para las AFN se realizaron a la par que la observación participante en el estudio de la experiencia del Comité de Integración regional para la soberanía y las autonomías alimentarias – SALSA, Bogotá – Cundinamarca. Igualmente, los resultados obtenidos desde las diferentes metodologías empleadas fueron interpretados a la luz de un ejercicio participativo con actores del Comité Salsa y por las reflexiones de las personas entrevistadas y encuestadas. Se describió la experiencia de red del Comité Salsa, con énfasis en los mercados adelantados por las organizaciones que lo integran. A partir del trabajo de campo y la revisión de literatura sobre las AFN (teorías y casos), la gobernanza y la economía social y solidaria, se establecieron unas bases conceptuales para la aplicación de la heterarquía en la gobernanza de AFN, la cual se genera mediante relacionamientos horizontales y dinámicos. Seguidamente se profundizó en el comportamiento de las dinámicas relacionales en torno a las AFN desde el caso de estudio. Se consideraron cuatro tipos de relacionamientos (compañeros, informantes, interlocutores y cooperantes) y tres atributos de las relaciones (cohesión, confianza y sinergia). Se empleó el análisis de redes sociales, para cuya interpretación fue fundamental la contextualización del caso configurada desde el trabajo de campo y la aplicación de la herramienta de net-map. Desde esta herramienta fue posible incorporar la lectura que hicieron algunos delegados del Comité frente a las redes diseñadas por ellos mismos en el mapeo participativo. La baja dimensión de las redes mapeadas se acompaña de una baja densidad, alertando sobre falencias en la cohesión de las redes. Esto es confirmado con el análisis de los atributos considerados, al igual que con el análisis de cohesión mediante la identificación de subgrupos. Se encontraron nueve organizaciones del Comité que en la red de cooperación se encuentran más vinculadas y conforman un subgrupo en la red; entre estas organizaciones, seis aparecen recurrentemente como las de mayor nivel de centralidad, intermediación y cercanía. Estos elementos deben ser tenidos en cuenta para buscar acercamientos con actores periféricos y para dinamizar las interacciones al interior del Comité. Se construyó un modelo multicriterio para el análisis de la gobernanza heterárquica, contemplando las dimensiones de sostenibilidad, efectividad, participación, legitimidad y eficiencia de las AFN como acciones colectivas. Se empleó el Proceso analítico en red para establecer el peso de los criterios asociados a tales dimensiones, incorporando el juicio de valor de expertos académicos y participantes de organizaciones relacionadas con los sistemas agroalimentarios alternativos; los criterios de participación obtuvieron una ponderación mayor, evidenciando el carácter horizontal y reflexivo de las AFN. Mediante un cuestionario aplicado a líderes de 16 organizaciones del Comité Salsa, se construyó información para valorar los cuatro mercados articulados al Comité desde los criterios del modelo para el análisis de la gobernanza. El trabajo de campo resultó determinante para aportar a la interpretación de la estimación de las variables identificadas en el modelo. Los mercados presentan una variabilidad considerable entre ellos, pero de manera general poseen fortalezas en las dimensiones de legitimidad y eficiencia. Estas son áreas que pueden aprovecharse para mejorar el desempeño en las dimensiones de sostenibilidad y participación. Finalmente, los mercados articulados al Comité Salsa pueden entenderse como nichos de transformación que aún requieren de un mayor dinamismo para vincular actores de distintos perfiles y sectores; sin embargo, a la fecha han logrado construir una base para dar continuidad a los proyectos de producción alternativa y favorecer el reconocimiento de los productores. En ese sentido se sugieren algunas líneas de investigación futura al final de esta tesis, en términos de conceptos por profundizar y de aspectos metodológicos a considerar. ; Convocatoria de proyectos de investigación conjuntos entre la Universidad de Cundinamarca y la Universidad Nacional de Colombia sede Bogotá ; Evaluación de prácticas agroecológicas y el efecto de los procesos de gobernanza en la transformación de sistemas agrícolas de la provincia de Sumapaz ; Línea de Investigación: Desarrollo Rural. ; Maestría