Suchergebnisse

This article analyzed the opportunities and challenges of Indonesia maritime diplomacy in the context of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As part of the effort to realize the policy of global maritime fulcrum, Indonesia utilizes maritime diplomacy to look for the close cooperation and agreements with IORA member countries. Up to date, Indonesian foreign policy, specifically in the maritime field is tending to be more dominant to the Pacific Ocean rather than the Indian Ocean. Thus, this paper will explain how Indonesia implements its maritime diplomacy within IORA, and what the opportunities and challenges faced by Indonesia inside the association. Using the method of literature study, this descriptive paper uses the concept of maritime diplomacy and global maritime fulcrum in order to explain the study. This paper argues that IORA's strategic policy in maritime security and economic policies, links with Indonesia policy in global maritime fulcrum. Thus, Indonesia uses maritime diplomacy to take the advantages and opportunities to enhance maritime connectivity and cooperation with IORA members. Nevertheless, several issues challenge Indonesia like the increasing of great power states maritime influence such as India and China in the Indian Ocean, as well as challenges in integrating IORA member states.

This paper examines the recruitment and retention activities implemented by worker unionsin companies. With the purpose of revealing the process of recruitment and retention of members, qualitative method with case study approach was employed to the Pengurus Unit Kerja (PUK) under Federasi Serikat Pekerja Tekstil, Sandang, Kulit Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia (FSP TSK SPSI) in Surabaya.This paper reveals practices of recruitment and retention done by leader of PUKs and employers' attitude perceived by the leader of PUKs and other affecting factor of PUKs relevant to recruitment and retention activities. This paper benefits for the other subsequent relevant researches as diverse findings concerning methods, environment, and resulting in recruiting and retenting done by leaders of PUKs. This will also help union leaders, employer, employee relations researchers, and government in doing their activities pertinent to the relevant roles and duties. Moreover, the implementation of recruitment and retention process in PUKs is valuable for the development of the discipline of human resource management.

Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.

The era of trade liberalisation for the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) began in December 2015 and brought about economic liberalisation in the Southeast Asian region. This era is competitive and the ASEAN member states (AMSs) almost do not have full power of sovereignty to govern their own economic national matters. In this globalised dependence era, the majority of states in the world have to adjust and adopt as well as adapt their national laws to internationalised rules of law. This trade liberation era also has forced companies and other business entities, including Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and Cooperatives in Indonesia to compete with each other in order to tap the benefits of international trade liberalisation. In this context, SMEs and Cooperatives in Indonesia need some kind of protection from the government that does not oppose international regulations on trade. While the number of SMEs and Cooperatives is 98 per cent, their contribution to Indonesian export is small, at only 19 per cent. They are weak in terms of capacity building and access to capital, information technology, global markets as well as integration with regional and global market chains. This research paper evaluates SMEs and Cooperatives in Indonesia in terms of facing AEC trade liberalisation, i.e., what has done and should be done by the authority is to give proper protection to the SMEs in Indonesia by focusing on the manufacturing SMEs as this sector has the best chance of boosting SMEs' export capacity and building the competitiveness of Indonesian SMEs in order to be equal with other SMEs in the ASEAN region.

since 2007 ASEAN has moved towards an ASEAN Economic community(AEC) as an economi integration of member states based on four economic pillars. One of AEC economic pillar the single market and Production base, means,the region as a whole must become a single market and production base to produce and commercialize good and services anywhere in ASEAN. The establishment of AEC is offering opprtunities in the from of a huge market of US$ 2.6 Trillion and over 622 million people. Of this number, around 40 per cent or 245 million people live in Indonesia. Numerous officials and othes have their doubts and worried that Indonesia will mainly be the market for the AEC and Indonesia's progress in developing its human capital will be negatively impected compettition from other ASEAN nations. The crucial futher step of the AEC is to implement the free movement of skilled labors as one of five core principles of single market and production base pillar, as it will boost economic integration in the region levels. In practice however, progress towords freer mobility has been slow and uneven. In practice however, progress towards freer mobility has been slow and uneven, due to rigid national immigration policies, inequalities in professional education and licensing regimes, public ambivalence toward the AEC, and the vast income gap that many countries fear will contribute to brain drain. This article examines impediment of free movement of skilled labors as a result of weak political and public support to drive the process forward as well as the myriad policy and procedural obstacles of free movement of skilled labor of selected categories of professions associated mainly with trade in service and invesment, this article also reviews the AMSs' policies in these areas

The global war on terror has raised debates between liberals and realists on the position of ethics in intelligence operations. On the one hand, liberal ethicists insist that the conduct of intelligence gathering to counter terrorism must not violate the security rights of citizens. On the other hand, proponents of realism consider national security to be of greater importance than ethical principles governing individual freedom. This article tries to present an alternative point of view by examining the consequence of ethical criticisms of intelligence activities on the Indonesian government's counterterrorism measures. It proposes two approaches to understanding the connection between ethics and intelligence: examining the nature of the terror threat, and looking at the sociopolitical situations which affect the role of the state's security agencies. Arguably, securitizing intelligence by enforcing an ethical reconceptualization of intelligence roles increases the challenges facing Indonesia's intelligence operatives and damages the effectiveness of the government's counterterrorism policy.

The profession of migrant workers in some cases bring the person concerned to get the treasures expected success, but not rarely contain a number of risks that need to get the attention of government authorities. A number of problems that might be experienced when Indonesian Labor not available works. Therefore it takes a model economic empowerment for the labor of Indonesia, when he returned to his country was able to survive and improve the well-being of himself and of his family. This research aims to know the role of zakah's institution towards the empowerment of Indonesia's labor and to devise appropriate empowerment model for Indonesian Workforce by Institution of Zakah. Data analysis was done with a qualitative approach. Analytical techniques in the study will be conducted with qualitative analysis approach, a case study of eksplanation to explain how the empowerment model right for Indonesia in Labor Studies. Based on the data and the results of the analysis that has been done can be known that Dompet Dhuafa has role in Indonesia Workforce empowerment. The empowerment Model implemented by Dompet Dhuafa form the Groove program that may help the former workforce of Indonesia after plunging back to life in his native region. Former Indonesian workforce empowerment meant to monitor and nurture the entrepreneurial activities are continuously carried out by former Indonesian labor so that it can be a permanent effort.

Poverty reduction has been the top priority of the Indonesian government's developmental projects. At the age of climate change, however, the implementation of the policy faces greater challenges. Empirical observation gives rise to a question as to why do the climate change mitigation programs fail to bring about favorable effect to poverty reduction? The paper employs an intermestic approach to critically explaining the underlying problems concerning climate change and poverty reduction in Indonesia. The argument is that the political economy of climate change accelerates the existing structural factors which alienate the government from the poor people, and annihilates the moral relationships between the ruler and the ruled. To clarify this position, the discussion proceeds in two main parts. The first section outlines the significant use of the intermestic approach to analyzing the disconnection between climate change and the Indonesian government's economic policy to reduce poverty. The second section goes on to discern the structural factors which exacerbate the circumstances under which poverty reduction becomes a trivial issue in the ostensibly development policy directed to achieve economic progress. The concluding section reflects what can be learnt from the ongoing situation; on how to bring the state back into the right direction.

Recently the impact of climate change has been an increasingly important policy issue to the Indonesian government. It makes serious programs to support the global climate change mitigation action. This article is aimed at analyzing the application of Indonesia's climate change policy. The focus is on crucial problems that constrain its effectiveness both at international and domestic levels. The discussions indicate that Indonesia's multilateral diplomacy to protect the environment is affected by the rise of global power politics as the consequence of the contestation between China and the United States. Meanwhile, internal actions are hindered by the complex social, economic, and cultural barriers. The efficacy of the policy is considerably weakened. To conclude, however, this author tries to offer some potential solutions for strategic planning and policy improvement.

The 2007 Indonesian investment law granted national treatment for foreign investors, establishing a transparent 'negative list' for out-of-bonds investment sectors, and has been considired as a reformative regulation in Indonesia's economic strategy. However, decentralized systems give autonomy to local governments to manage their projects and infrastructure themselves. This leads into increasiig investment burdens through their opaque measures that are creating perceptions of risk for foreign investors. As a result, lack of legal certainty, inconsistent regulations and judiciary system would hamter investments. This article argues that law 25/2007 should be supported by a comprehensive investment policy to attract more foreign investors into Indonesia. A key element in establishing a competitive region is a free and open investment regime, This article addresses policy impediment to private investment in Indonesia as well as in the ASEAN region. Indonesia and ASEAN should have non-discriminatory treatment extended to foreign investors including ASEAN-based inveitors, as the establishment of ASEAN Economic community (AEC) will cornmence in 2015. Legal certainty of international business transaction by private investors is fostering investments by both direct investment and indirect investment (portfolio). Parties to investment agreements include individuals, small, medium and large multinational corporations, and countries. In this centralized global atmosphere, the Indonesian agovemment has to provide guarantees to leverage private investments.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the association between political connections and overinvestment in Indonesia as a democratic, multi-party and developing country. This study uses sample of 1,044 and 543 firm-year observations from listed firms on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2012 to 2017. A two-stage model is used to address overinvestment, which used two different measurements, then continued by ordinary least square regression to establish the main analysis result. This study finds that political connection is negatively associated with overinvestment in Indonesia. We also find that this negative association is increasing due to the existence of governance mechanism from both external and internal parties of the firm. Our results indicate that the significant negative associations between political connections with overinvestment, which later is strengthen by governance mechanism might be caused by several differences in institutional setting and/or political connections benefits between the previous research in China and with the place where this research is taken. This paper could give insights in decision-making for stakeholders to anticipate certain harmful issues to the companies that might be occurred by their politically connected top management like directors and commissioners.

ABSTRAKThe Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) is a form of regional cooperation of the coastal nations of the Indian Ocean that was established in 1997. Unlike other regional cooperation in the world that often emphasizes the political aspect. This association emphasizes the basis of economic and socio-cultural cooperation. For its member countries, the existence of IORA is very important in maximizing the economic, social and cultural benefits while keeping this area as a peaceful region. Given the importance of this regional cooperation, Indonesia as an IORA member country continues to play a significant role in strengthening the existence of this association and while continuing to develop bilateral forms of cooperation between the coastal nations of the Indian Ocean that can benefit Indonesia's national interests. In order to expand the forms of international cooperation within the IORA, the Indonesian government continues to maximize its efforts by engaging various stakeholders, including local governments. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the importance of IORA for Indonesia, especially Aceh Province and how we can optimize the role of Aceh within the framework of IORA cooperation.Kata kunci: IORA, regional cooperation, Indonesia, Aceh Province

ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) as a regional cooperation association has a significant roles on harmonizing the counter terrorism effort in the Southeast Asia region. Based on primary and secondary data by using qualitative method, the purpose of this paper is to examine the harmonization of counter terrorism cooperation between ASEAN members. The research found that ASEAN has a set of counter terrorism policies that had been ratified in different times as a form of regional policies harmonization. However in terms of strategic-operational level, the ASEAN's member states has the authority to tackle terrorism issue on their own with the possibility to establish a cooperation with a non ASEAN member state. In addition, the US also has a significant role in assisting counter terrorism effort for ASEAN's states members.

Currently, ASEAN has come to the new phase of cooperation on political security, economic, and socio-cultural by the establishment of ASEAN Charter in 2008. The cooperation has been deepened, widened, and enlarged. Accordingly, the AEC is the most significant cooperations, namely the economic integration of ASEAN which not mere free trade area but to make the region as a production basefor all products of ASEAN as well as to accomplish the region as a single market by applying scorecard system of AEC's blueprint that should be preserved by all ASEAN state members. Theformation of AEC in 2015 totally depends to the commitments of the member states of ASEAN to apply those agreed trade agreements, roadmaps, and plan of actions including AEC's blueprint.

This study examines the relationship between firm-level political connections and stock price crash risk in Indonesia. It employs the difference-in-difference design to deal with the self-selection bias issue regarding the choice of the firms to become a politically connected firm. We use the sudden resignation of the former President of Indonesia, Suharto, to show that politically connected firms are associated with lower stock price crash risk and that the risk for these politically connected firms increased after Suharto resigned. Furthermore, we found evidence that these negative associations are more pronounced in firms with more complex firm structures.