Suchergebnisse

Die ukrainischen Hetmane spielten eine Doppelrolle in den sich 'aneinander reibenden' diplomatischen Gepflogenheiten zwischen Russland und Polen-Litauen. Einerseits trugen ihre eigenstaatlichen Forderungen des Öfteren zu Komplikationen bei und zogen die Verhandlungen in die Länge, weil sie Misstrauen und Argwohn der Teilnehmer erregten. Andererseits erleichterte die aktive Vermittlerrolle der Hetmane und ihre Einsicht in die Eigenart der höfischen Kultur beider Länder in vielerlei Hinsicht die Herstellung von diplomatischen Kontakten. Das Hetmanat Ivan Mazepas ist das beste Beispiel dafür. Mazepas Gaben bekundeten seine außenpolitischen Absichten: zu Anfang der Hetmanatszeit die eines russischen Untertans, später die eines unabhängigen Herrschers. Den Bestand und die Menge der Gaben, die er vom russischen Zaren und von anderen europäischen Monarchen erhalten hatteerhielt, kann man als Auszeichnung für seinen ehrenhaften Dienst und als Anerkennung seines partnerschaftlichen Status im Spiel der Außenpolitik betrachten. Diese Doppelnatur der Diplomatie und der Gaben existierte bis hin zum Übertritt Mazepas ins Lager des schwedischen Königs Karls XII. Der Sieg Russlands beiin der Schlacht von Poltava bedeutete die Auflösung des Zaporoger Hetmanats und die Festigung Russlands als eines Imperiums.

Mychajlo Hruševsʹkyj ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 40.729-4

The study's purpose is to critically analyse approaches to international communi- cation in the global environment and clarify the specifics of processes that char- acterize the asymmetry of foreign-policy communication because the contem- porary communication tools allow forming both a positive perception of foreign policy initiatives and a negative attitude of politicians or the world community toward foreign-policy actions. As a result, the research focuses on studying the transformation of the EU foreign-policy communication tools; analysing the practice of foreign-policy communications of Germany and Ukraine; detecting the impact of destructive communications on the image of the EU, Germany, and Ukraine in the international information space. The main conclusions of the research are such statements: the aggravation of Ukrainian-Russian relations has demonstrated an imbalance in the existing for- eign-policy orientations; the EU leaders rethought the political impact of supra- national formation on the contemporary system of international relations; Germany's practice in foreign-policy communication concerns the preservation of the position as a world leader that is able to influence the solution of complex international political and security issues.

Why are things different on the other side of national borders; and how can this be explained sociologically? This inaugural lecture tries to answer these questions, starting from the example of the bicycle in the Netherlands. It distinguishes four processes that have contributed to increasing similarity within nations: growing interdependence within nations; increasing density of networks and institutions; vertical diffusion of styles and standards; and the development of national we-feelings. Together, these processes have contributed to the development of national habitus: increasing similarities within nations, and increasing differences between people living in different countries. These processes have reached their apex in the second half of the twentieth century. Since then, they have diminished, leading to increasing variations within countries, and growing similarities between comparable groups in different countries. This analysis poses new questions and challenges for sociologists. First, it leads us to rethink comparative research: what are we comparing when we compare nations, and is this still a viable unit of analysis? Second, it leads us to consider how the transfer of styles and standards occurs in our informalized, globalized, and mediatized age. Third, sociologists should analyse the new forms of inequality resulting from these processes, such as the growing rift between 'locals' and (bike-loving) cosmopolitans.

The analysis builds on existing empirical and theoretical literature in the field of job polarization, which is primarily focused on advanced economies. Hypotheses of the incidence of "skill-biased" and "routine-biased" technical change in the Visegrad group countries are verified in the analysis. The aim is to find out whether the impact of technical change on the labour market in the V4 countries is similar to or different than that in advanced economies. The analytical part is primarily performed on the EU-LFS. The results suggest that the structure of the labour market has changed in the V4 countries in a heterogeneous way. In Hungary and Slovakia, there was an apparent slight job polarization over the period under review. In addition, the evidence suggests that the technical change in these countries may be of a "routine-biased" nature. On the contrary, the pattern of "upgrading" was evident in the Czech Republic and Poland, where the evidence suggests "skill-biased" technical change.

У статті розглядається поточний російсько-український конфлікт із точки зору класичної теорії тріадичного зв'язку Роджерса Брубейкера. Ми протиставляємо нову політику пам'яті, освіти та мови в Україні після Євромайдану офіційній російській критиці з її широкими посиланнями на, серед іншого, нацизм та "етноцид", міжрегіональну напруженість всередині України, а також спільне "героїчне" минуле росіян і українців. На перший погляд, риторичне та політичне загострення між Україною та Росією у 2014-2019 роках виглядає як типовий тристоронній конфлікт між постколоніальною державою-націоналізатором, етнічною меншиною та її зовнішньою батьківщиною, за концептуалізацією Брубейкера. Проте на основі історичної контекстуалізації ми робимо висновок, що класична теорія тріадичного наступу може лише частково пояснити причинно- наслідкові механізми ескалації російсько-українського конфлікту.