Suchergebnisse

U ovom diplomskom radu analizira se provođenje ekonomske politike unutar političkog ciklusa, odnosno pokušava se analizirati način primjene ekonomske teorije u stvarnim društvenim okolnostima na primjeru provođenja politike štednje u zemljama članicama EU koje su to postale od 2004. godine. Ekonomska teorija služi kao smjernica za provođenje određene ekonomske politike, no na njezino provođenje utječu različite okolnosti. Kao najvažnija egzogena odrednica (okolnost) može se navesti izborni ciklus gdje, u demokratskim zemljama, političari, koji su zaduženi za provođenje ekonomske politike, moraju biti ponovno izabrani na svoju dužnost. Stoga izbori predstavljaju svakako najvažniju odrednicu u radu određenog političara. Radi toga izborni ciklus služi kao dobra orijentacija za analizu utjecaja društvenih okolnosti na provođenje ekonomske politike prema danoj teoriji. U tu će svrhu biti pružen povijesni pregled razvoja teorije politike štednje, kao i prikaz njezinog provođenja u ekonomskoj politici. Nakon toga će biti dan pregled teorije javnog izbora i političkih ciklusa koji pružaju teorijski okvir za objašnjenje važnosti samih izbora u životu racionalnih ekonomskih agenata. Na osnovu dane analize moći će se provesti ekonometrijska analiza pomoću koje će se pokušati odrediti značaj političkog ciklusa u provođenju politike štednje, posebno u kontekstu razdoblja Velike recesije. Metodološki, panel analiza čini temelj empirijske analize diplomskog rada i bit će provedena nad uzorkom od 11 novih zemalja članica EU u vremenskom razdoblju 2004.-2019. ; This Master's Thesis analyzes the implementation of economic policy within the political cycle, i.e. attempts to analyze the application of economic theory in the condition of real social circumstances by using the example of the implementation of austerity policy in EU member states that have become so since 2004. Economic theory serves as a guideline for the implementation of a particular economic policy, but its implementation is influenced by different circumstances. ...

Ovaj je rad usmjeren na reforme obiteljske politike u četiri europske zemlje – Austriji, Finskoj, Portugalu i Sloveniji – između 2008. i 2015. godine. Te su godine obilježile "velika recesija" i uspon perspektive socijalnog ulaganja. Međutim, socijalno ulaganje je opći pojam i pomalo je dvosmislen. Ovaj rad razlučuje između različitih varijanti socijalnog ulaganja koje proizlaze iz usredotočenosti na interakcije socijalnog ulaganja i alternativnih perspektiva socijalne politike, i to socijalne zaštite i štednje. U radu se identificiraju različite varijante u smislu stupnja socijalnog ulaganja: od sveobuhvatnog, preko istiskivanja do "skromnijih" oblika socijalnog ulaganja. To je dovelo do oštrih rezova u obiteljskim novčanim davanjima, dok su se područja javne skrbi i roditeljskog dopusta pokazala otpornijima u analiziranim zemljama. Ovi su zaključci indikativni u sadašnjoj pandemiji COVID-19, kada se zemlje suočavaju s novom, možda i većom gospodarskom krizom. ; The focus of this article is on family policy reforms in four European countries – Austria, Finland, Portugal, and Slovenia – between 2008 and 2015. These years were marked by the 'Great Recession', and by the rise of the social-investment perspective. Social investment is an umbrella concept, though, and it is also somewhat ambiguous. This article distinguishes between different social-investment variants, which emerge from a focus on its interaction with alternative social-policy perspectives, namely social protection and austerity. We identify different variants along the degree of social-investment: from comprehensive, over crowding out, towards lean forms. While the empirical analysis highlights variation, it also shows how there is a specific crisis context, which may lead to 'crowding out' of other policy approaches and 'leaner' forms of social investment. This has led to strong cutbacks in family cash benefits, while public childcare and parental leaves have proved more resilient in the investigated countries. Those findings are revelatory in the current Covid-19 pandemic, where countries are entering a next, possibly larger economic crisis.

Austerity has in recent years become established as the European response to crisis. The necessity of fiscal consolidation is often expressed with a vocabulary evocative of guilt and imagined pleasure. It should therefore not surprise us that austerity recently became subject to Lacanian psychoanalysis, building on Todd McGowan's thesis on the transition from the society of prohibition to the society of commanded enjoyment. The current literature recognizes the dichotomy of spirits of capitalism: the first, ascetic and thrifty spirit demanding private sacrifice and the second, consumer spirit demanding specifically private enjoyment in the name of social duty. These spirits of capitalism are strategies for dealing with the loss of jouissance necessitated by the acceptance of symbolic order through socialization. The Phallic fantasy of full, uncastrated enjoyment is channelled through the strategy of deferral, aiming for full enjoyment in undetermined future (first spirit) or the repetitive attempt of immediate fulfilment (second spirit). Author supplements the existing argument in two crucial ways. Firstly, he traces the ways in which spirits of capitalism are mirrored in the changing positions of the political-economic mainstream. Secondly, using Arrighi's analysis of systemic cycles of accumulation, the author offers an additional structural component to the spirits of capitalism pendulum. Adapted from the source document.

The author is critical of the introduction of the euro from the point of view of national & political economy. His criticism is based on four assumptions. The first is that the introduction of the euro gives rise to certain legal concerns. Some countries had not met the criteria for the introduction of the euro, yet it was introduced, which means that the European parliament & the national governments & their parliaments no longer respect the due process of law. The second is that the foreign debt, which amounts to 120% of GNP, is impossible to repay in those democracies that are not in the position to impose austerity measures that would include several legislatures. The third criticism is based on the fact that European countries are at different levels of development, which makes the monetary union much too vulnerable. The fourth criticism refers to the fact that common currency means common policy, &, consequently, the end of nation-states in Europe. Croatia may join the EU, but this would pose a challenge to its national sovereignty. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Nove stranke, koje su se pojavile nakon pokreta 15-M te kao odgovor na mjere štednje u Španjolskoj, žele se razvijati kao stranke otvorene za sudjelovanje i deliberaciju svih građana. U kojoj se mjeri ostvaruju ti ideali? Cilj je ovog članka opisati i vrednovati procese online deliberacije dviju najvažnijih stranaka u Španjolskoj, Podemos i Barcelona En Comú, na temelju uobičajenih kriterija u literaturi kojima se mjeri online deliberacija. Konkretno, analizirali smo dva prijedloga o kojima se najviše glasovalo na online platformi Plaza Podemos te online razvoj izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Provedena je analiza sadržaja 713 objava s online platforme Plaza Podemos i 563 objave koje se tiču izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Obje platforme posjeduju strukturne i tehničke kriterije za poticanje deliberacije, ali je vanjski utjecaj vidljiv samo u slučaju stranke Barcelona En Comú. Kvaliteta deliberativne komunikacije je dobra, ali kriteriji refleksivnosti, inkluzije i pluralnosti nisu zadovoljeni. ; The new parties that emerged following the 15-M movement and against the austerity measures in Spain want to build parties open to the participation and deliberation for all the citizenry. To what extent are these ideals being fulfilled? The aim of this article is to describe and assess some of the main online deliberative processes of the two most important parties, Podemos and Barcelona En Comú, following commonly accepted criteria in the literature for measuring online deliberation. Specifically, we have examined the two most-voted proposals from the online platform Plaza Podemos and the online development of the electoral programme of Barcelona En Comú. Thus, we have conducted a content analysis of 713 (Plaza Podemos) and 563 (Barcelona En Comú) posts. Both platforms meet the structural and technical criteria for fostering deliberation, but the external impact is high only in the case of Barcelona En Comú. The deliberative quality of the communication is good but not the criteria of reflexivity, inclusion and plurality.

Slovenia makes a compelling case for care policy analysis since it is marked by extreme dichotomy in care. Therefore, placing Slovenia on a continuum of care regimes ranging from defamilialised to familialised with respect to care is difficult, with care for children being highly defamilialised, and care for older people highly familialised. The country's childcare policies build on a historically well-developed system of public childcare provision and generous leave policies, together with a well-developed social protection system targeting families. These have been retained and, in some cases, were expanded, still following the 2009 economic crisis, certain austerity measures were introduced. On the other hand, care policies for older people started to develop later and after the initial growth they relatively stagnated (especially the social home-care system). A comprehensive long-term care system has yet to be developed and become a subject of ongoing political debates. Further, unlike in childcare, the increasing role of private actors can be observed in this sector. In the article, we discuss these care policy developments in Slovenia in terms of the role of relevant actors (state, family, private actors) with an emphasis on the views of people regarding care, based on data gathered within an innovative method of democratic forums. The article reveals that the dichotomy of care policies, as well as the differing recent trends in family policies for children and care for older people, is not present in people's attitudes and their preferences for the arrangement of such policies. ; Slovenija pruža dobre argumente za analizu politike skrbi jer je obilježava izrazita dihotomija u području skrbi. Stoga je teško smjestiti Sloveniju u kontinuum režima skrbi koji se proteže od defamilijaliziranog do familijaliziranog, gdje je skrb za djecu izrazito defamilijalizirana, a skrb za starije osobe izrazito familijalizirana. Mjere skrbi za djecu u zemlji oslanjaju se na povijesno dobro razvijeni sustav javne skrbi za djecu i izdašne politike o dopustu, zajedno s dobro razvijenim sustavom socijalne zaštite usmjerenom na obitelji. Te su mjere zadržane i, u nekim slučajevima, proširene, no uslijed ekonomske krize iz 2009. godine uvedene su određene mjere štednje. S druge strane, politike skrbi za starije osobe počele su se razvijati kasnije i nakon početnog rasta relativno su stagnirale (posebice sustav socijalne usluge pomoći u kući). Sveobuhvatni sustav dugoročne skrbi tek se treba razviti i postati tema kontinuiranih političkih debata. Nadalje, za razliku od skrbi za djecu, u ovom se sektoru može uočiti povećana uloga privatnih aktera. U radu raspravljamo o razvitku tih politika skrbi u Sloveniji u odnosu na ulogu relevantnih aktera (država, obitelj, privatni akteri), s naglaskom na stavove ljudi o skrbi na temelju podataka prikupljenih u sklopu inovativne metode demokratskih foruma. Rad ukazuje na to da dihotomija politika skrbi, kao i različiti noviji trendovi u obiteljskim politikama za djecu i u skrbi za starije osobe, nisu prisutni u stavovima ljudi i u njihovim preferencijama za uvođenje takvih politika.