Suchergebnisse

At head of title: 1914-15. The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Since vaccines may lose their potency if transported or stored outside the recommended temperature range (2-8 degrees C), we carried out a study in the Darwin area of the Northern Territory of Australia to determine the links in the cold chain, including the extent of vaccine monitoring, and whether the vaccines were being exposed to unsafe temperatures. Sabin oral poliomyelitis vaccine (OPV) and recombinant hepatitis-B (HB) vaccine were selected for special monitoring. A total of 127 vials of OPV and 144 vials of HB vaccine were dispatched during October, November and December 1990 to the government, independent health services and general practitioner surgeries which routinely administer these vaccines. We distributed the two vaccines with MonitorMark time/temperature and Coldside indicator tags attached to cards for recording the date, location and temperature exposures each time the vaccines were moved or used. A total of 65% of the OPV and 41% of the HB vaccine monitor cards were returned for analysis. The vaccines were transported and stored at one to four locations prior to being administered. Some 23% of tagged OPV was exposed for 48 hours or more to a temperature > 10 degrees C; 47.5% of tagged HB vaccines were exposed to -3 degrees C or less, the majority of them during storage in health facilities or clinics. Exposures were independent of distance from the distribution centre, mode of transport, or type of facility. Our results show that the vaccines were often exposed to temperatures outside the recommended range during transport and storage, putting them at risk of loss of potency.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

"Featuring new evidence on: the end of the Cold War, 1989; the fall of the Wall; Sino-Soviet relations, 1958-59; Soviet missile deployments, 1959; the Iran Crisis, 1944-46; Tito and Khrushchev, 1954. ; "Fall/Winter 2001" ; Caption title. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; "Featuring new evidence on: the end of the Cold War, 1989; the fall of the Wall; Sino-Soviet relations, 1958-59; Soviet missile deployments, 1959; the Iran Crisis, 1944-46; Tito and Khrushchev, 1954. ; Mode of access: Internet.

American historians who have studied the Cold War have usually focused upon either the events on the international scene which gave rise to tensions or on the policies and rhetoric of national political leaders such as President Truman and Senator McCarthy. It is the thesis of this study that, while the role of national leaders in fostering America's Cold War consciousness cannot be ignored, in some ways the forging of that consciousness was affected only marginally by the President and other national political leaders. To anyone familiar with the course of American life during the 1960s, it must be obvious that a sturdy anticommunism bred of a Cold War mentality had a deep and lasting impact. Such a deep imprint could not have been left by the actions of political leaders alone; other American institutions must also have had a hand in its forging. With these assumptions behind it, this study began as a search for the origins of a "Cold War culture." It soon, however, evolved into an attempt to trace the interaction between the Cold War and one aspect of that culture--American education. It is hoped that by examining the patterns of interaction between the Cold War and American education and educators, this study will contribute to a fuller understanding of the grip of the Cold War upon American life.

The Cold War between the East and West during the period 1945-1991 was a rivalry where the world's doom constantly emerged as a possible result. The Cold War was global and included northern European countries like Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Norway in different ways. Historians are still discussing how Cold War history should be understood in these countries, but they have rarely been concerned about mass media and communications. Meanwhile, many media scholars have neglected the theme entirely. In this book, these two areas of knowledge are combined in new research on the Nordic mass media, and its significance during the Cold War.A number of controversial topics are covered. Nineteen Nordic scholars sheds new light on Nordic print media in all four countries, but also write about radio and the television broadcasting. Extending the traditional Cold War research on media and communication to include sport, magazines for men, political cartoons, and films, the book lays the foundation for Cold War studies to become an integrated interdisciplinary field of knowledge, and a more central part of the Nordic media research than before - with countless opportunities for exciting new research, with high relevance to world conflicts in our own time.

This book is Closed Access. ; Explores the continuity of ethnic and national politics during the Cold War.

Australia's education system reflects its history of federalism. State and territory governments are responsible for administering education within their jurisdiction and across the sector comprising government (public), Catholic systemic and other independent schooling systems. They collaborate on education policy with the federal government. Over the past two decades the federal government has taken a greater role in funding across the education sector, and as a result of this involvement and the priorities of federal governments of the day, Australia now has one of the highest rates of non-government schooling in the OECD. Funding equity across the sectors has become a prominent issue. Concerns have been compounded by evidence of declining student performance since Australia's initial participation in PISA in 2000, and the increasing gap between our high achievers and low achievers. This chapter explores Australia's PISA 2018 results and what they reveal about the impact of socioeconomic level on student achievement. It also considers the role of school funding and the need to direct support to those schools that are attempting to educate the greater proportion of an increasingly diverse student population including students facing multiple layers of disadvantage.

The Cold War used to be portrayed as a global struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union. Even if this image has been challenged many times, the main images that come to mind when speaking of the Cold War, are often linked to superpower rivalry between the Soviet Union and the United States, the threat of a military conflict, and nuclear armament. These images have proved tenacious regardless of scholarship underlining cooperation across apparent ideological division and cross-border interaction instead of hostility. One of the key weaknesses is that many areas still lack empirical research that would fill in the gaps and provide material to allow us to re-evaluate the extent and impact of the Cold War. This volume is intended to serve these needs. ; peerReviewed

The translation of Sputnik from a scientific into a political event changed the dynamics of federal science and technology policy, and elevated to new heights the American research university as a pivotal tool for winning the Cold War. This paper discusses this significant shift in federal policy, its impact on America's research universities and scientific community, and its influence on the contemporary economy. Sputnik prompted a significant expansion in the training of scientists and engineers, and acted as a catalyst for large-scale federal funding for higher education. It also resulted in the federal government becoming the nation's primary source of R&D investment. The result was a greatly accelerated shift in scientific research increasingly toward a multi-disciplinary model and the creation of new knowledge that form the foundation for today's technological innovations that may well exceed in importance the trials and tribulations of the Cold War itself.

Cold matters on a number of different levels. It has become a political instrument that helps to establish common ground for the cold regions of the globe. As a metaphor, it suggests an impassioned and controlled outlook on life. Physically, cold produces environments where people can freeze and starve to death. Psychologically, it may serve as the route to self-discovery, since it has the capacity to strip away everything except the most essential aspects of the self. Historically, cold has usually been surrounded by negative associations but more recently, it has become a theme to explore in words and pictures and exploit in marketing strategies. At the beginning of the twenty-first century there are signs that indicate that cold is becoming increasingly "cool." At such a juncture, it is vital to assess the cultural meaning of snow, ice and cold since conventional ideological and metaphorical connotations of the concepts are destabilised. Cold Matters launches the monograph series linked to The Journal of Northern Studies. This interdisciplinary journal concentrates on life in the northern parts of the globe, and is published by Umeå University and Sweden's northernmost Royal Academy, the Royal Skyttean Society.

This article examines British deception during the early years of the Cold War, and how a Soviet defector named Grigori Tokaev contributed to British plans and operations. Tokaev provided valuable insights into the Soviet Union, allowing British intelligence to craft more intricate deception operations, political and military. The manner in which he was used, and the extent to which his idiosyncrasies were tolerated, underline the difficulties the British authorities faced as they attempted to apply the lessons of the Second World War deception to the Cold War environment. The case offers new perspectives on both the relatively under-examined subject British deception operations against the USSR, and the history of one of the most prominent Cold War defectors.

On 1 July 1968 the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, and some fifty other states signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Australia has not yet signed, and this monograph examines the issues the treaty raises for her. The study is intended as a contribution to the debate on a major issue in foreign policy. It is critical of the Government's attitude as manifest in the United Nations debate on the treaty and argues that three criteria should govern Australia's signing: the treaty's probable value as a brake on the further spread of nuclear weapons, its effect on Australia{u2019}s civil nuclear development, and its effect on Australia{u2019}s external security. It then proceeds to examine these considerations and concludes that Australia should sign, though not unconditionally. The issue is of fundamental importance for Australia; nor is it one whose relevant considerations are wholly technical or specialist. It is, therefore, a subject of unusual interest for those interested in Australia{u2019}s foreign policy, specialist and layman alike.

This book explores Australia's prospective cyber-warfare requirements and challenges. It describes the current state of planning and thinking within the Australian Defence Force with respect to Network Centric Warfare, and discusses the vulnerabilities that accompany the use by Defence of the National Information Infrastructure (NII), as well as Defence's responsibility for the protection of the NII. It notes the multitude of agencies concerned in various ways with information security, and argues that mechanisms are required to enhance coordination between them. It also argues that Australia has been laggard with respect to the development of offensive cyber-warfare plans and capabilities. Finally, it proposes the establishment of an Australian Cyber-warfare Centre responsible for the planning and conduct of both the defensive and offensive dimensions of cyber-warfare, for developing doctrine and operational concepts, and for identifying new capability requirements. It argues that the matter is urgent in order to ensure that Australia will have the necessary capabilities for conducting technically and strategically sophisticated cyber-warfare activities by the 2020s. The Foreword has been contributed by Professor Kim C. Beazley, former Minister for Defence (1984–90), who describes it as 'a timely book which transcends old debates on priorities for the defence of Australia or forward commitments, [and] debates about globalism and regionalism', and as 'an invaluable compendium' to the current process of refining the strategic guidance for Australia's future defence policies and capabilities.

The Middle East is undergoing a phase of crucial geopolitical and social transformations. Bottom-up uprisings are spreading from Lebanon to Algeria. A dangerous regional rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia is playing out throughout the region, involving actors supported by either party in proxy wars ranging from Yemen to Syria. The United States and Russia are both, albeit very differently, involved in local and regional politics, in ways that may also be exposing the European southern flank to risk. Washington, under the aegis of Donald J. Trump, is simultaneously providing support to traditional regional allies, such as Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt, and retreating from the region, as illustrated, for example, by the decision to withdraw US forces from the border region between Turkey and Syria, de facto betraying the Kurdish forces that had been crucial in the fight against IS. And Moscow has been quick to seize upon the opportunity provided by the US' moves and the local instability to portray itself as a steady, most reliable partner for the countries of the region. Is a new Cold War playing out in the Middle East? Not quite. Yet understanding how the original bipolar rivalry played out in the region is key, as many consequences of policies enacted by the superpowers and their allies during those four fateful decades are still with us today.

A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire in partial fulfilment ofthe requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ; For most of the second half of the 20th century the world's political map was divided by the Cold War, a name given to the 40-year long standoff between the superpowers - the Unites States and the USSR - and their allies. Due to its geographical location and alliance with the United States, Britain was at the 'frontline' of the Cold War. As a response to increasing tensions, the British Government made arrangements by building hundreds of military sites and structures, which were often dismantled or abandoned as the technology on which they relied became rapidly ineffective. Nowadays, there is a growing (academic) recognition of Cold War sites and their new or contemporary uses, including as heritage attractions within a tourism context. This study has brought forward a constructionist approach as to investigate how heritage works as a cultural and social practice that constructs and regulates a range of values and ideologies about what constitutes Cold War heritage (and) tourism in Britain. It has done this by, firstly, exploring the dominant and professional 'authorised heritage discourse', which aims to construct mutually, agreed and shared concepts about the phenomenon of 'Cold War heritage' within a tourism context. The study identified a network of actors, values, policies and discourses that centred on the concept of 'Cold War heritage' at selected sites through which a 'material reality' of the past is constructed. Although various opposing viewpoints were identified, the actors effectively seem to privilege and naturalise certain narratives of cultural and social meanings and values through tourism of what constitutes Cold War heritage and the ways it should be manifested through material and natural places, sites and objects within society. Differences were particularly noticeable in the values, uses and meanings of Cold iii Cold War heritage (and) tourism War heritage within the contemporary context of heritage management in Britain. For some, the sites were connected with a personal 'past', a place to commemorate, celebrate or learn from the past. For others, the sites were a source of income, a tourism asset, or contrary, a financial burden as the sites were not 'old enough' or 'aesthetically pleasing' to be regarded as a monument to be preserved as heritage. Subsequently, the study also explored the (disempowered) role of visitors to the sites as passive receivers, leaving little room for individual reflections on the wider social and cultural processes of Cold War heritage. Although, most visitors believed that the stewardship and professional view of the Cold War representations at the sites should not directly be contested, this study has illustrated the idea that what makes places valuable and gives them meaning as heritage sites is not solely based on contemporary practices by a dominant heritage discourse. Despite the visitors' support for the sole ownership by site managers, and the selective representations of the Cold War and events, they did question or negotiate the idea of 'heritage' as a physical and sole subject of management practices. Despite having little prior knowledge about the Cold War era or events, by pressing the borders of the authorised parameters of 'Cold War heritage', visitors actively constructed their experiences as being, or becoming, part of their personal and collective moments of 'heritage'. By inscribing (new) memories and meaning into their identity, and therefore also changing the nature of that identity, they reflected upon the past, present and future, (some more critically than others. To conclude, understanding these discursive meanings of Cold War heritage (and) tourism, and the ways in which ideas about Cold War heritage are constructed, negotiated and contested within and between discourses also contributes to understandings about the philosophical, historical, conceptual and political barriers that exist in identifying and engaging with different forms of heritage.