Suchergebnisse

The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run. ; The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.

Rad predstavlja pokušaj da se prikažu brojne nepravilnosti u provođenju UNICEF-ova Programa automobila i drugih prijevoznih sredstava u FNRJ. Zloupotreba voznog parka Međunarodnog dječjeg fonda usporila je razvoj nedovoljno izgrađene zdravstvene službe. "Problemi" u distribuciji roba i provođenju usluga posredno su se odrazili na zdravstveno zbrinjavanje najugroženijih kategorija stanovništva u Jugoslaviji po okončanju Drugog svjetskog rata. ; An analysis of the introduction of the UNICEF (United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund) program concerning automobiles and other vehicles in Yugoslavia in the period from 1948 to 1954 reveals a number of injustices and misuses which significantly reduced the real value of one of the most expensive programs UNICEF administered in Yugoslavia, ultimately hurting the state as well as the users of the insufficiently supplied health services. Representatives of the government, the police, the military, as well as leaders of organizations misused the vehicles which they obtained from UNICEF. It is apparent that representatives of the government, who were organized according to the principle of political loyalty, did not pay sufficient attention to the problem of allocating UNICEF's services of resources. More care was shown only in cases when clear warnings were given that further aid would be terminated. In all other cases, a clear lack of care and disregard was shown toward the precious help provided by UNICEF, while its automobile compound was treated as property of the state. Later UNICEF introduced stricter policies regarding the distribution of vehicles, because it realized that the Yugoslav side was using the resources distributed for other purposes than those for which they were intended. Besides this, ten years after the end of the Second World War the situation in Europe had improved to a significant degree, meanwhile new crisis areas requiring UNICEF's attention had appeared in Asia, Africa, and South America. This change in UNICEF policies created a number of problems for the Yugoslavian government in terms of future cooperation with the UN organization, that is, the Yugoslavians had to pay far greater care and attention to the distribution of services and resources offered by UNICEF.

Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO. ; Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO.