Suchergebnisse

The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" & its omission or inclusion in encyclopedias & lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German & Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural, & economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West & create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a "special path" (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism & the rebuttal of liberal & democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytized with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, & ensuring its place in world history. Adapted from the source document.

The article investigates the historical discourse of the pivotal political & ideological "turning points" defining the national identity of Dalmatian Italians. Each period is represented by some political figures from the ranks of Dalmatian Italians such as Bajamonti, Duplancich & others. Some were (since 1848) nationally aware Italians opposed to the Austrian rule, e.g. Duplancich, Bajamonti or Nani. Others, also nationally aware Italians were fond of Austria more than of Italy e.g. Lapenna or Trigari, & were undecisive in their unequivocal adoption of the Italian identity. & finally, the third group, mostly of Slavic extraction e.g. Tommaseo, Marassovich & a plethora of Slavo-Dalmatians. "took on" the Italian national identity by gradually adopting Italian culture, usually through education. The prevalence of the Italian culture & the language, the domination of Italianists in municipal assemblies but also the systematic efforts & the gradual affirmation of the populist i.e. Croatian component, made for the dynamic political configuration of the then Dalmatia in which about 20,000 Italians were electorally privileged in relation to more than 400,000 Croats, & consequently were able to control the regional Sabor (parliament) & the municipal councils. The Dalmatian identity was largely identified as a superior urban civilization as opposed to the despised countryside beyond the city walls. Unlike the populist autonomism of Split, imbued with a powerful sense of campanilism. the Zadar autonomism was imposed from above with the purpose of unifying the elites of ethnic Italians, Germans & Croats. Since Zadar prevailed, its ideology of Dalmatianism led to Italianization, irredentism & eventually to the exodus of those whose Italian identity option was considered dominant & "the only right one.". Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.