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Today, it is often forgotten that the socialist calculation debate of the 1920s and 1930s was not only about whether market societies were more economically efficient than planned ones; more crucially, Ludwig von Mises and his disciple Friedrich Hayek depicted economic planning as a threat to the moral and political order of "Western civilization." A planned economy, these early neoliberals argued, would override the "democracy of consumers" through which individuals registered their own preferences on the market and threaten individual freedom and social peace. This article argues that early neoliberal thinkers mobilized a racialized argument against economic planning, which they depicted as a threat from "the East" and a regression to a "primitive" pre-capitalist, egalitarian morality. Against this neoliberal argument, I retrieve the Austrian philosopher Otto Neurath's argument that a capitalist market economy is inherently violent and requires the suppression of non-market forms of life.

Более 60 лет назад была опубликована работа австрийского философа Карла Поппера «Открытое общество и его враги», ставшая этапной для философско-политической мысли ХХ в. В статье рассматриваются ключевые положения данной концепции и их научная значимость. Цель статьи: исследовать значение теории Поппера для формирования современной парадигмы развития международных отношений. В заключении автор приходит к выводу о том, что К. Попперу удалось предвидеть, что итогом борьбы «открытого» и «закрытого» общества станет формирование современных модификаций авторитаризма и усиления их роли в политике. ; More than 60 years ago was published by the Austrian philosopher Karl Popper's the open society and its enemies», which became a turning point for the philosophical and political thought of XX century the article considers The key provisions of the concept and their scientific significance. The purpose of this article to explore the value of Popper's theory for formation of the modern paradigm of international relations. In conclusion, the author comes to the conclusion of K. Popper been anticipated: the result of the struggle of «open» and «closed» society is shaping the modern modifications of authoritarianism and the strengthening of their role in politics.

The aim of this paper is to review the possible influence of John Maynard Keynes, Frank Ramsey, Piero Sraffa and, through the latter, Antonio Gramsci, on the transition of the philosophical thought of Ludwig Wittgenstein. The work reconstructs, from specialized literature, the relationship of the Austrian philosopher with the economists he met at Cambridge and proposes that these may have permeated the philosophical work of Wittgenstein and, in particular, the way in which the anthropological perspective of the philosophical problems, possibly inspired by Gramsci and transmitted by Sraffa, was received and developed by Wittgenstein in his Philosophical Investigations, in the development of concepts such as form of life and language games. It is concluded that Gramsci's theories about hegemony and linguistic alienation bear a certain similarity to Wittgenstein's philosophy of everyday language. ; El artículo tiene por objeto revisar la posible influencia de John Maynard Keynes, Frank Ramsey, Piero Sraffa y, por intermedio de este último, Antonio Gramsci, sobre la transición del pensamiento filosófico de Ludwig Wittgenstein. El trabajo reconstruye, a partir de la literatura especializada, la relación del filósofo austriaco con los economistas que conoció en Cambridge y propone que estos pudieron haber permeado el quehacer filosófico de Wittgenstein y, en particular, la forma en que la perspectiva antropológica de los problemas filosóficos, posiblemente inspirada en Gramsci y transmitida por Sraffa, fue recibida y desarrollada por Wittgenstein en sus Investigaciones Filosóficas, en el desarrollo de conceptos como las formas de vida y los juegos del lenguaje. Se concluye que las teorías de Gramsci sobre la hegemonía y la alienación lingüística tienen cierta similitud con la propuesta de filosofía del lenguaje cotidiano de Wittgenstein.

There is by now broad consensus in the critical literature that neoliberalism and social conservatism have frequently coexisted in practice. Yet the alt-right fits none of the previously identified alliances: this is not the neoliberal neoconservatism of the Reagan and Bush years, nor the neoliberal communitarianism of the Third Way, nor even a form of neoliberal authoritarianism. Instead, the alt-right claims intellectual descent from economic libertarianism, on the one hand, and paleo- (as opposed to neo-) conservatism on the other. This paper traces the contours of this 'paleolibertarian' alliance, first by following the volatile political trajectory of Murray Rothbard, the foremost philosopher of American libertarianism, and, second, by uncovering precedents in the longer history of the American far right. It will be argued that paleoconservatism makes for a uniquely powerful ally because it offers a workable response to libertarianism's intrinsic contradictions.

This article provides an analysis of the relations and influences between a forgotten protagonist of transnational communism in the twentieth century, the Austrian Franz Marek, and the Italian Communist Party (PCI). By tracing these very relations, it is possible to understand the importance of transnational political and intellectual networks for the international communist movement. Focusing on the period ranging from 1945 to Marek's death in 1979, the article interprets the importance of Marek as a Marxist intellectual and political figure in Europe. From his prominent role in the Austrian Communist Party, to his engagement in theoretical discussions, Marek's life was that of a fervent Marxist. Whether as a political interlocutor or Marxist philosopher and theorist, in both cases the PCI was interested in the words of Franz Marek and fascinated by his theoretical thoughts. His studies of Gramsci were the proverbial cherry on the cake. Not only did he not become an outlaw when ousted from the Austrian Communist Party in 1970, the exchange continued to intensify, and he was involved to some extent in all theoretical discussions of the PCI, even though this posed a problem for many a brother party.

The Popular Legislative Initiative (PLI) was designed by the Austrian philosopher and jurist Hans Kelsen (1881–1973) as a mechanism of indirect participation that, on the one hand, allows citizens to express their demands through the institutions and, on the other, informs parliamentarians about citizens' preferences. This article answers the question on the conditions that the mechanism must meet, focusing on the analysis of the Colombian case: What are the variables that influence the performance of the PLI and can differentiate between an efficient mechanism and a «worthless piece of paper»? Three dimensions are proposed: inclusivity (from who/m and for what can the PLI be activated); the accessibility (or ease of activation, referred to the procedural requirements); and efficacy (the parliamentary procedure, and the participation guarantees inherent to it). As conclusions, the study shows that the Colombian design of the PLI before and after the 2015 reform presents limitations that explain its low performance. Accordingly, we propose some elements for its modification. ; La Iniciativa Legislativa Popular (ILP) fue originalmente diseñada por el filósofo y jurista austríaco Hans Kelsen (1881-1973) como un mecanismo de participación indirecta que, por una parte, permitiera a los ciudadanos expresar institucionalmente sus demandas y, por otra, facilitara a los parlamentarios conocer mejor las preferencias ciudadanas y darles respuesta. Este artículo responde a la pregunta sobre las condiciones que el mecanismo debe cumplir, centrándose en el análisis del caso colombiano: ¿cuáles son las variables que influyen sobre el desempeño de una ILP y pueden diferenciar entre un mecanismo eficiente y un «papel mojado»? Se proponen tres dimensiones: la inclusividad —quiénes y para qué pueden activar una ILP—; la accesibilidad —o facilidad de activación, referido a los requisitos procedimentales—; y la eficacia —el procedimiento parlamentario y las garantías de participación inherentes a este—. Se concluye que el diseño colombiano de la ILP previo y posterior a la reforma de 2015 sigue presentando limitaciones que explican su bajo desempeño y se proponen elementos para su modificación.

The author compares two versions of generalization in social theory. The leading social philosopher of the Vienna circle Otto Neurath and social philosopher from the Austrian school of economics Alfred Schutz developed two distinctive approaches to language and, consequently, society. Both versions were, in fact, the interpretations of human communication and, above all, of ordinary language. The outcomes of these approaches, however, appeared to be incompatible, for Neurath has created the new language of pictograms, so called "ISOTYPE", while Schutz's social phenomenology has evolved into a complex theory that sought to account for interrelating contexts of social communication.Keywords: ideal type, ISOTYPE, Austrian economic school, phenomenology, physicalism, Marxism, social theory. ; Предмет статьи – сравнение двух версий обобщения в социальной теории. Первая версия была разработана ведущим социальным теоретиком «Венского кружка» Отто Нейратом, другая была создана социологом австрийской школы экономики Альфредом Шюцем. В центре и той и другой версии – истолкование коммуникации между людьми, в той и другой версии интерпретировался язык повседневного общения. Тем не менее результаты оказались совершенно несовместимыми, поскольку Нейрат создал новый язык пиктограмм, позднее названный ISOTYPE, а социальная феноменология Шюца представила социальную реальность многоуровневым переплетением контекстов социальной коммуникации.Ключевые слова: идеальный тип, ISOTYPE, австрийская экономическая школа, феноменология, физикализм, марксизм, социальная теория.

Der große böhmische Philosoph - "Böhme deutscher Zunge" nach eigener Definition - Bernard Bolzano (1781-1848) wurde 1805 zum Priester geweiht und an der Karl-Ferdinandischen Universität Prag zum Professor für Religionslehre ernannt. Diese ernennung aufgrund eines Dekrets von Kaiser Franz bedeutete auch die Verpflichtung, an Sonntagen so genannte "Erbauungsreden" vor den Studenten des Philosophikums zu halten. Auf diese Weise sollten die Studenten "zu guten Christen und rechtschaffenen Bürgern" herangebildet werden. Bolzano legte in seinen Reden allerdings mehr Wert darauf, sie zum kritischen Selbstdenken anzuregen. Der unausweichliche Konflikt mit den Behörden endete mit der Absetzung des Professors 1820. Die Erbauungsreden waren der Stein des Anstoßes. Das wissenschaftliche Versäumnis, dass Bolzanos brisante Reden noch immer nicht vollständig veröffentlicht sind, kann als Spätfolge dieser Verbannung betrachtet werden. Jetzt ist es gelungen, eine wichtige Lücke zu schließen: Der österreichische Bolzano-Forscher Kurt F. Strasser hat aus in Prag liegenden Handschriften die letzten der bisher unveröffentlichten Erbauungsreden transkribiert. ; Bernard Bolzano (1781–1848) during his time as a professor of religious studies (1805–1820) had to give a speech to the whole community of students every sunday during the academic year. This was a very influential position which also caused his dismissal in 1820. Here we have the textual edition of the lectures or sermons he gave during his period of office. The critical edition involves the missing sermons found in Prague archives. The complete edition of Bolzano's sermons will be published in the Bolzano-Gesamtausgabe Frommann Holzboog, 2A15–25.

In the last century nationalism as a spiritual element – according to the 1919 statement of the historian, archaeologist and philosopher Vasile Pârvan – was a blessed plant grown on Romanian soil during the '48 revolution, the '59 union under Prince Cuza, the '77 war of independence and the preparation of such a national project as the Union with the Romanian Kingdom of several Romanian-speaking provinces dominated by two empires – the Austrian and the Russian – epitomized by Transylvania which came finally to the motherland on the 1st of December 1918, the same day when the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was born. In the nationalism project, the Union Transylvania was a political priority. But we must add immediately that in the events of 1914–1916 in the neighbourhood of Romania a symbol of the national struggle became what Nicolae Iorga, in a famous lecture of 1915,called "the heroic and martyr Serbia".

The author of this article aims at presenting a particular aspect of the political philosophy of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, an Austrian school economist and anarchocapitalist philosopher. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse the part of his thinking concerning a ruler, as known as "caretaker" and "trustee". The critique of democratic ruler is one of the most important, or even the most important part in the Hoppe's critique of democracy. It is mostly based on a comparison of an essence of a democratic caretaker and a private ruler – a classical monarch. The author presents an intellectual profile of Hoppe, being a German who decided to emigrate to United States of America. In the USA he used to work as a scientist and studied along with Murray Rothbard – one of the leaders of Austrian school economists and libertarian. The author also presents the methodological view of Hoppe, which is based on an a priori knowledge. The Hoppe's critique of democratic caretaker consists of two ways of argumentation. The first one is based on the critique of public ruler per se. Hoppe states that a private-owned government is better than a publicowned one. To prove this statement, Hoppe uses an apparatus of economics. He proves that a democratic caretaker has a higher time preference than a king. It has a bad influence on the ruled people. According to Hoppe, public ruler must to concentrate on consuming and not taking care about a capital values of the resources of the government. The only thing which is profitable for him is to be taking care about current income of the government. The author of this article states such an apriorical portrait of a public ruler is not valid and presents arguments on his point of view. The most important part of the author's argumentation is that the Hoppe's view is correct only on a condition that a basic purpose of a democratic ruler is to get rich. When it is not valid, Hoppean deductive portrait becomes useless. The second line of Hoppe's argumentation is based on bad effects of general election. As the philosopher claims, it causes that the highest political function can be held practically only by bad persons who inter alia desire the property of others. The author of this article claims that this sort of critique is less radical, but a better one. The critique of democratic ruler in political philosophy of Hoppe seems to be a substantialistical one, when the thinker bases on an apriorical essence of caretaker. However, the philosopher approaches to accidental sort of critique, as he stays in a field of his second way of argumentation.

The author of this article aims at presenting a particular aspect of the political philosophy of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, an Austrian school economist and anarchocapitalist philosopher. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse the part of his thinking concerning a ruler, as known as "caretaker" and "trustee". The critique of democratic ruler is one of the most important, or even the most important part in the Hoppe's critique of democracy. It is mostly based on a comparison of an essence of a democratic caretaker and a private ruler – a classical monarch. The author presents an intellectual profile of Hoppe, being a German who decided to emigrate to United States of America. In the USA he used to work as a scientist and studied along with Murray Rothbard – one of the leaders of Austrian school economists and libertarian. The author also presents the methodological view of Hoppe, which is based on an a priori knowledge. The Hoppe's critique of democratic caretaker consists of two ways of argumentation. The first one is based on the critique of public ruler per se. Hoppe states that a private-owned government is better than a publicowned one. To prove this statement, Hoppe uses an apparatus of economics. He proves that a democratic caretaker has a higher time preference than a king. It has a bad influence on the ruled people. According to Hoppe, public ruler must to concentrate on consuming and not taking care about a capital values of the resources of the government. The only thing which is profitable for him is to be taking care about current income of the government. The author of this article states such an apriorical portrait of a public ruler is not valid and presents arguments on his point of view. The most important part of the author's argumentation is that the Hoppe's view is correct only on a condition that a basic purpose of a democratic ruler is to get rich. When it is not valid, Hoppean deductive portrait becomes useless. The second line of Hoppe's argumentation is based on bad effects of general election. As the philosopher claims, it causes that the highest political function can be held practically only by bad persons who inter alia desire the property of others. The author of this article claims that this sort of critique is less radical, but a better one. The critique of democratic ruler in political philosophy of Hoppe seems to be a substantialistical one, when the thinker bases on an apriorical essence of caretaker. However, the philosopher approaches to accidental sort of critique, as he stays in a field of his second way of argumentation.

Статья посвящена превращению, базовой онтологической характеристике артистизма. Автор анализирует особенности превращения в политической и художественно-эстетической сферах. Изменения тождества человека объясняются условиями социального существования и желанием личности обрести множественное расположение в бытии. Развернутую концепцию социального превращения содержит известный фрагмент из работы Э. Канетти «Масса и власть». Австрийский философ рассуждает о близости превращения, подражания (имитации) и притворства. Переходной формой от имитации к превращению, по словам Э. Канетти, является притворство, «дружественный образ», в котором скрыт «образ враждебный». Притворство невозможно без использования маски, особенно в политической сфере. В искусстве превращение обретает форму перевоплощения. Оно означает одухотворенное и мастерски оформленное проникновение в сущность другого явления без потери самости творческой личности. Вместе с тем другой характер осмыслен как часть иного бытия. Для артистического действия подобное перевоплощение всегда будет вмещать контекст жизнелюбия, жизнеподражания, одушевление и воодушевление. Поэтому утонченность или сгущение как прием, выразительность деталей здесь работают на утверждение Жизни. Отсюда всякая искусность, искусственность, творчество как индивидуальное самопревышение ради укоренения жизни, ее движения, изменения и будет составлять существо артистического перевоплощения. ; Article is devoted to transformation, the basic ontologic characteristic of virtuosity. The author analyzes features of transformation in political and art and esthetic spheres. Changes of identity of the person are explained by conditions of social existence and desire of the personality to find a multiple arrangement in life. The known fragment from E. Canetti's work "The weight and the power" contains the developed concept of social transformation. The Austrian philosopher argues on proximity of transformation, imitation (imitation) and pretense. There are distinctions between them. Imitation helps to find an external form. The artistic intension when using copies carries out a difficult operation of connection remote in essence, but relates on external similarity of objects. It allows to begin coordination of internal and external layers of the created image and actually to start the process of creation of metaphors, representing the semantic movement. The similar movement in mechanical copying isn't present. A transitional form from imitation to transformation, according to E. Canetti, is pretense, "a friendly image" in which "a hostile image" is hidden. Pretense is impossible without use of a mask, especially in the political sphere. Transformation takes shape in art transformation. It means the spiritualized and skillfully issued penetration into essence of other phenomenon without loss of egoism of the creative person. At the same time, other character is comprehended as part of other life. For artistic action similar transformation will always contain a context of cheerfulness, imitation of life. Therefore refinement or a condensation as reception, expressiveness of details work for the statement of Life here. From here any skilfulness, artificiality, creativity as individual self-excess for the sake of rooting of life, its movement, change will also make a being of artistic transformation. Cultural dynamics of typicalness is especially accurately shown in the sphere of social life. Transformation as nonlinear action contains imitation, pretense, masking the transformation in any existential order. In society the system of a ban on transformation which epifenomenam act persons of the imperious person, trickster, shaman is always installed. The artistic relation to a metamorphosis arises at quantitative and qualitative variability in a specific context of art of transformation as which basic awe of life acts.

Karl R. Popper's philosophy is principally oriented in two principal lines of study: epistemology and political philosophy. Popperian reflection in political philosophy reveals an unequivocal and explicit ethical commitment. Our article seeks to examine this commitment, showing that it is also present in Popper's general epistemological perspective, and especially in his demarcation criterion. Furthermore, always from the optic of this Austrian-Britisch philosopher, we highlight the constructive role that the emergence of failure has in knowledge development. ; La filosofía de Karl R. Popper se orienta, principalmente, según dos grandes líneas: la epistemología y la filosofía política. En lo que respecta a esta segunda vertiente, la reflexión popperiana revela un inequívoco y explícito compromiso ético. Nuestro artículo intenta examinar dicho compromiso mostrando que éste también se encuentra presente en el enfoque epistemológico general de Popper y, de modo especial, en su criterio de demarcación. Conjuntamente con ello, destacamos el papel constructivo que en el proceso de desarrollo del conocimiento —siempre bajo la óptica del filósofo austrobritánico—adquiere la irrupción del fracaso.

The present paper considers the implications of the postulate that the activities of scientists constitute complex phenomena in the sense associated with the methodological writings of the Nobel Prize-winning Austrian economist, methodologist, and political philosopher, F.A. Hayek. Although Hayek wrote extensively on the methodology of sciences that investigate systems of complex phenomena, he never addressed the possibility that science itself is such a system. The application of Hayek's method ology of sciences of complex phenomena to science itself implies some minimal criteria for explanations of scientific rationality. If science is complex in Hayek's sense, then scientific belief may be rational in more than one way. It is argued that a failure to recognize the possibility of multiple kinds of scientific rationality contributes to an error theory of certain unsuccessful accounts of scientific belief in the history of philosophy of science. It is further argued that, where ecological rationality is operative, rational belief requires an element of methodological liberty. It is shown that acceptance of the possibility of ecologically-rational scientific outcomes–a view here dubbed methodological liberalism–is closely related to Hayek's denial of the possibility of a successful scientism, a denial crucial to his arguments against socialism and Keynesian macroeconomics.

This book investigates the cultural difference of Italy in and through Shakespeare. It looks at the encounter, collision, intermingling of the 'country dispositions' represented respectively by Shakespeare and Italy, both understood as vast constellations rather than fixed stars. The obvious premise is that several plays by Shakespeare are adaptated from Italian sources; the additional context is the constant presence of Shakespeare in Italian culture from the mid-nineteenth century on. The classical topic "Shakespeare and Italy" is here revisited from a new perspective, focussing on the playwright's Italian afterlife through the lens of the three categories that structure this book: place, 'race', and politics. My twofold and chiastic objective is to ask how Italy explains Shakespeare and how Shakespeare explains Italy, seeking possible answers in various texts, events, sites: a Victorian racialist interpretation of Shakespeare that casts Iago as the archetypal Italian specimen; a Romantic adaptation of Othello written in Venice under Austrian rule; the Fascist appropriations of Shakespeare; the disparate uses of Machiavelli in recent Shakespearean criticism; the absence of Giordano Bruno in Shakespeare studies after Frances Yates; an essay on Hamlet by a prominent Italian philosopher and politician; monuments and sites associated with Shakespeare in Verona and Venice; the Taviani brothers' filmic version of Julius Caesar.