Suchergebnisse

The present article comments on the contemporary development of the Austrian party stage, deals with the governmental crisis of the Schüssels cabinet and the situation before the early elections to the National Council in November 2002. Analyzing the basic programme outputs and potential coalition strategies of the relevant Austrian parties, it considers all the possible configurations after the elections. The article also briefly analyses the consequences of various alternatives of post-electoral coalition for alteration of the Austrian party system that undergoes the long-term process of transformation. ; The present article comments on the contemporary development of the Austrian party stage, deals with the governmental crisis of the Schüssels cabinet and the situation before the early elections to the National Council in November 2002. Analyzing the basic programme outputs and potential coalition strategies of the relevant Austrian parties, it considers all the possible configurations after the elections. The article also briefly analyses the consequences of various alternatives of post-electoral coalition for alteration of the Austrian party system that undergoes the long-term process of transformation.

The article discusses the outcomes of elections to the European Parliament in Austria in June 2004. Attitudes of relevant Austrian parties towards the European integration project are briefly discussed and placed on the theoretical scale that ranges from "Hard Euroscepticism" and "Identity Europeanism". The presented outcomes of the elections are put into the general context of the Austrian party system and voters' preferences since the middle 1980s. Special attention is given to the phenomenon of Hans-Peter Martin's populist list that won almost 14 % of the vote. Also, relatively low voter turnout is discussed. The Austrian example is very suitable for theorizing European elections as elections of less voters´ attention that is conceptualized at the end of the article.

The aim of the article is to explore how the results of the U. S. subprime mortgage crisis influenced economic policy of governments in highly developed countries. It analyses consequences of a state intervention especially for government budgets and a rise of government debts. Then the article discusses the point of view of the Austrian school. Austrian economists argue a state is not an economic subject and its fiscal policy is very dangerous for effective allocation of the available resources of production's factors. They advocate a society with a small government and liberal economic policy. The author believes that Austrian approach to economic problems is more realistic and more pertinent than the approach of those, who demand more government intervention. Adapted from the source document.

The article is concerned with the influence of the German historical school on Czech economic thought. In an analysis of the life & work of four important representatives of Czech economic thought in the 19th century, it is shown that Frantisek Chleborad distanced himself from the German school because of patriotic feelings, while Josef Kaizl was an enthusiastic adherent of the German school. Albin Braf attempted to combine the German & Austrian traditions, Jan Kolousek rehabilitated the German approach & criticized the Austrian school. In each case, without knowledge of the German historical school, the development of Czech economic thought would have remained limited. 52 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article looks into Austrian attitude to security co-operation in Central Europe. Austria has arrived at a very flexible definition of its neutrality concept. The recent security & defense doctrine (2001) describes Austria not as a neutral but as a "non-allied state." In has introduced the principle of "European solidarity" in the Austrian security policy. The neutrality, however, remains to be a sensitive political issue, which splits the Austrian society. The regional partnership has created a new regional platform, which has produced positive results in several policy sectors. At the same time, the real political potential of the co-operation has yet to be seen, mainly in the course of the EU-enlargement. The security dimension of regional co-operation has developed with some dynamism. It testified willingness & ability of the military & experts to work with regional partners. Nonetheless, the co-operation has remained largely low-key. The reasons are, firstly, that the prioritizing of the orientation of Austria to the West prevented Vienna from an active regional policy for most of the 1990s. Secondly, & in the long run even more crucially, the non-allied status of Austria hampers the security co-operation in the most crucial areas: defense, sharing of sensitive information, sharing & thus cutting the costs of rearmament & modernization of the armed forces & of the defense infrastructure. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyses the development of the Bratislava–Schwechat Pipeline, which is supposed to connect the Slovak and Austrian oil pipeline networks. The research question asks why the project is being developed without taking into account arguments concerning environmental security even though rather significant environmental opposition to the pipeline has arisen. While the proponents of the project stress mainly its importance for the fostering of Slovak energy security, its opponents claim that the pipeline will endanger the current level of environmental security, since it presents a risk to Slovak fresh water reservoirs. In line with the theoretical approach, the paper argues that the conflict between these two types of security is positively skewed towards energy security, because its proponents are able to support their argumentation with concrete evidence. Moreover, advantages from improvements in energy security are visible in the short-term. On the other hand, the possible future negative environmental impacts of the pipeline are not so easy to assess (or quantify) and are of a long-term nature. The analysis also shows that due to the lack of activity of the Slovak Ministry of the Environment, a non-governmental organization Nie ropovodu (No to the pipeline) has become the main proponent of environmental security through the preparation phase of the project. ; The paper analyses the development of the Bratislava–Schwechat Pipeline, which is supposed to connect the Slovak and Austrian oil pipeline networks. The research question asks why the project is being developed without taking into account arguments concerning environmental security even though rather significant environmental opposition to the pipeline has arisen. While the proponents of the project stress mainly its importance for the fostering of Slovak energy security, its opponents claim that the pipeline will endanger the current level of environmental security, since it presents a risk to Slovak fresh water reservoirs. In line with the ...

This paper describes the main theoretical concepts of the competition, which is thought to be the fundamental social process in the economy. The protection of competition (or the competition policy) is the one of the most important parts of economic policy, because the competition ensures the freedom of choice. The theory of competition provides large number of assumptions, which were developed within the frame of various economic schools & approaches. This paper starts with the description of the history of competition policy before the coming of Adam Smith. In the middle part of the work there have been formulated basic ideological theses about economic policy. Represented are, for example, the Classics, Ordo-liberalism or Neo-austrian School. Paper is finalized by the major theses of the Harvard & Chicago school. References. Adapted from the source document.

According to the 1867 constitution the Habsburg Monarchy's armed forces consisted
of the common army, the navy, the Austrian Landwehr and the Landsturm. The armed forces
had authority over three ministries and were themselves subject to the rule of three parliamentary
institutions. From the beginning the growth of the armed forces had not kept pace
with that of the population as a whole. There was a low volume of conscripts and poor training
of reservists. This resulted in a relatively small army both in peace time and during war and
meant that by the spring of 1918 Austria-Hungary had practically exhausted its available human
resources. This was exacerbated by the high number of losses, both through death and capture.
On the battlefield the number of deaths is thought to have been between 905,000 and 1,200,000
with 1.8 million injured. At the same time the number of deaths and illness in the hinterland
increased while the rate of fertility dropped. In order to resolve this the government applied
a number of measures: the upper age limit of conscription increased, the necessary standards
for recruitment were lowered, training period was shortened, more use of weapons, factory
workers were replaced with women, prisoners of war and workers from the occupied territories.
However at this time the importance of the "war economy" was also growing which resulted in
an increase in firms requesting the release of their employees from military service. In 1918 the
Habsburg Monarchy had not only exhausted its human resources but was also on the brink of
economic collapse.