Autonomy, Freedom and Deprivation
In: Political Theory and Social Policy, S. 42-58
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In: Political Theory and Social Policy, S. 42-58
In: Materialien aus der soziologischen Forschung: Verhandlungen des 18. Deutschen Soziologentages vom 28. September bis 1. Oktober 1976 in Bielefeld, S. 842-863
4 p. A typed document prepared by the Assistant Dean of Students concerning fraternity/sorority certification of non-discrimination and local autonomy in membership selection.
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This commentary focuses primarily upon the views expressed by Justice Rehnquist in his de Hirsch Meyer lecture. The author argues that a corollary to Justice Rehnquist's view that the judiciary should defer to the authority of private institutions over the individual, to protect those institutions, would be to adopt a judicial attitude of supporting private institutions against legislative interference. An examination of Justice Rehnquist's judicial opinions in the area of constitutional family law reveals exactly the opposite position. The author concludes that Justice Rehnquist's position of judicial deference to legislative decisions over the family may lead to destruction of the institution rather than to preservation of the family and suggests ways of accommodating the interests of individual family members, the interest of the family as an institution and the legitimate police power and parens patriae regulations of the state.
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In: China's Changed Road to Development, S. 43-60
The author considers the notion that the doctor is the sole arbiter of what happens to a defective neonate; how this is a logical confusion of scientific assessment with value judgment. The utilitarian concept found in a democracy is taken to be the superior source of ethics which ought to guide doctors. Finally, the logical conclusion is claimed to be that legislation alone will effectively enunciate society's standards.
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In: War, State and Society, S. 71-94
SUMMARY: I. INTRODUCTION. - II. POLITICAL DECENTRALIZATION AS A CONTEMPORARY PHENOMENON AND DEMAND: 1. THE CRISIS OF THE CENTRALIZED NATIONAL STATE. 2. THE CRISIS OF CLASSIC FORMS OF STATE AND THE OVERCOMING OF DICOTOMY: UNITARY STATE / FEDERAL STATE. 3. THE CENTRALISM OF THE OLD FEDERATIONS. 4. THE NEW FEDERALISMS. 5. THE DECENTRALIZATION OF THE UNITARY STATES. - III. THE REGIONAL STATE FORMULA: 1. BACKGROUND. 2. THE ITALIAN REGIONAL STATE. 3. T HE STATE OF COMMUNITIES AND REGIONS OF BELGIUM. 4. T HE STATE OF AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES SPANISH. 5. THE POLITICAL REGIONALIZATION OF FRANCE AND THE REGIONAL STATE. 6. OTHER EXPERIENCES OF POLITICAL REGIONALIZATION. - IV. CONCLUSION. ; SUMARIO: I. INTRODUCCIÓN. — II. LA DESCENTRALIZACIÓN POLÍTICA COMO FENÓMENO Y EXIGENCIA CONTEMPORÁNEOS: 1. LA CRISIS DEL ESTADO NACIONAL CENTRALIZADO. 2. LA CRISIS DE LAS CLÁSICAS FORMAS DE ESTADO Y LA SUPERACIÓN DE LA DICOTOMÍA: ESTADO UNITARIO/ESTADO FEDERAL. 3. EL CENTRALISMO DE LAS VIEJAS FEDERACIONES. 4. LOS NUEVOS FEDERALISMOS. 5. LA DESCENTRALIZACIÓN DE LOS ESTADOS UNITARIOS. — III. LA FORMULA DEL ESTADO REGIONAL: 1. ANTECEDENTES. 2. EL ESTADO REGIONAL ITALIANO. 3. E L ESTADO DE COMUNIDADES Y REGIONES DE BÉLGICA. 4. E L ESTADO DE COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS ESPAÑOL. 5. LA REGIONALIZACIÓN POLÍTICA DE FRANCIA Y EL ESTADO REGIONAL. 6. OTRAS EXPERIENCIAS DE REGIONALIZACIÓN POLÍTICA. — IV. CONCLUSIÓN.
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The reorganization of municipal government becomes more necessary as urbanization increases but the necessity for reorganization does not prevent local opposition to new forms of municipal government. In urban areas outside of Greater Winnipeg, reorganization has been prevented by political opposition that is active and well organized because it is based on the residents' strong identification with the locality and its civic institutions. As ethnic groups are usually a minority in a provincial, state or national political system, such groups tend to identify with a locality and its political institutions because the ethnic groups can hope to be a majority within a locality and thereby control or influence civic institutions. Although the French in St. Boniface are an ethnic minority, they have made little attempt to retain control of civic institutions. This lack of identity is explained by the historical development of French political organization and in the relationship between the municipality and the provincial government. As there have been few studies of local politics in the Winnipeg urban area, this analysis of French political organization has required an examination of several areas of local politics. From this analysis it becomes evident that French political organization was not identified either with the locality of St. Boniface or with civic institutions. What appeared as a well organized politically active ethnic group, was neither organized nor active in the local politics of St. Boniface because ethnic groups were predominantly rural in membership and focussed on the provincial issue of education.
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SUMMARY: I. THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWER DETENTED BY THE PREVIOUS UNITARY-CENTRALIZED STATE UNDER THE TENSION CENTRAL SUBJECT-AUTONOMOUS TERRITORIAL SUBJECTS. - II. THE CONSTITUTIONAL TREATMENT OF MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY: 1. THE AMBIGUOUS PRONOUNCEMENT OF ARTICLE 137 AND THE SIGNIFICANT RECOGNITION OF A "GOVERNMENT" AND A LOCAL "ADMINISTRATION" IN ARTICLE 140. THE MISTAKABLE ASSESSMENT OF MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY. 2. THE DETERMINATION OF THE CONTENT OF THE MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY. A CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEM DEFERRED TO THE ORDINARY LEGISLATOR. THE DOCTRINE ESTABLISHED IN THE JUDGMENTS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF FEBRUARY 2 AND JULY 28, 1981. - III. THE MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY AND THE AUTHENTIC SENSE OF THE "EXCLUSIVE COMPETENCES" OF THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES: 1. THE ASSUMPTION OF "EXCLUSIVE COMPETENCES" BY THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES CANNOT INVOLVE THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE MUNICIPALITIES IN GOVERNMENT DESCONS OF THE PROCESS OF RECONSTRUCTION OF LOCAL LIFE. 2. THE INTERRELATION OF LOCAL AND SUPRALOCAL INTEREST AS A CHARACTERISTIC NOTE OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES. THE REPLACEMENT OF THE GUARDIANS REGIME BY THAT OF THE GUARANTEE OF THE RESPECTIVE COLLECTIVE INTEREST. 3. T HE MEANING OF THE CALLS "EXCLUSIVE COMPETENCES" OF THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES REGARDING THE MUNICIPALITIES. ; SUMARIO: I. LA DISTRIBUCIÓN DEL PODER DETENTADO POR EL ANTERIOR ESTADO UNITARIO-CENTRALIZADO BAJO LA TENSIÓN SUJETO CENTRAL-SUJETOS TERRITORIALES AUTÓNOMOS. — II. EL TRATAMIENTO CONSTITUCIONAL DE LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL: 1. EL AMBIGUO PRONUNCIAMIENTO DEL ARTÍCULO 137 Y EL SIGNIFICATIVO RECONOCIMIENTO DE UN «GOBIERNO» Y DE UNA «ADMINISTRACIÓN» LOCAL EN EL ARTÍCULO 140. LA EQUÍVOCA VALORACIÓN DE LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL. 2. LA DETERMINACIÓN DEL CONTENIDO DE LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL. UN PROBLEMA CONSTITUCIONAL DEFERIDO AL LEGISLADOR ORDINARIO. LA DOCTRINA ESTABLECIDA EN LAS SENTENCIAS DEL TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL DE 2 DE FEBRERO Y 28 DE JULIO DE 1981. — III. LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL Y EL AUTENTICO SENTIDO DE LAS «COMPETENCIAS EXCLUSIVAS» DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS: 1. LA ASUNCIÓN DE «COMPETENCIAS EXCLUSIVAS» POR PARTE DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS NO PUEDE IMPLICAR LA TRANSFORMACIÓN DE LOS MUNICIPIOS EN ÓRGANOS DESCONCENTRADOS DE SUS ADMINISTRACIONES PÚBLICAS A TRAVÉS DEL PROCESO DE RECONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA VIDA LOCAL. 2. LA INTERRELACIÓN DEL INTERÉS LOCAL Y SUPRALOCAL COMO NOTA CARACTERÍSTICA DE LAS SOCIEDADES INDUSTRIALES. LA SUSTITUCIÓN DEL RÉGIMEN DE TUTELAS POR EL DE LA GARANTÍA DEL RESPECTIVO INTERÉS COLECTIVO. 3. E L SENTIDO DE LAS LLAMADAS «COMPETENCIAS EXCLUSIVAS» DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS RESPECTO DE LO S MUNICIPIOS.
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SUMMARY: I. THE STATE. - II. FORMATION OF THE PARAGUAYAN STATE: 1. THE GOVERNMENT REGULATION OF 1813. 2. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1844. 3. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1870. - III. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1967. - IV. POWERS DIVISION. - V. LEGISLATIVE POWER. - VI. EXECUTIVE POWER. - VII. JUDICIAL POWER: 1. COURT OF AUDITORS. 2. RESOURCE OF UNCONSTITUTIONALTY. 3. HIERARCHY OF THE JUDICIAL BODIES. 4. THE PUBLIC MINISTRY. - VIII. THE PARAGUAYAN MUNICIPALITY. - IX. THE MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY IN THE CONSTITUTION. - X. MUNICIPAL LAWS: 1. LAW NUMBER 915. 2. LAW NUMBER 222 ORGANIC MUNICIPAL. - XI. CONSTITUTIONAL PRESCRIPTIONS. - XII. ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS. ; SUMARIO: I. EL ESTADO. — II. FORMACIÓN DEL ESTADO PARAGUAYO: 1. EL REGLAMENTO DE GOBIERNO DE 1813. 2. LA CONSTITUCIÓN DE 1844. 3. LA CONSTITUCIÓN DE 1870. — III. LA CONSTITUCIÓN DE 1967. — IV. DIVISIÓN DE PODERES. — V. PODER LEGISLATIVO. — VI. PODER EJECUTIVO. — VII. PODER JUDICIAL: 1. TRIBUNAL DE CUENTAS. 2. RECURSO DE INCONSTITUCIONALTDAD. 3. JERARQUÍA DE LOS ÓRGANOS JUDICIALES. 4. EL MINISTERIO PÚBLICO. — VIII. EL MUNICIPIO PARAGUAYO. — IX. LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL EN LA CONSTITUCIÓN. — X. LEYES MUNICIPALES: 1. LA LEY NÚMERO 915. 2. LEY NÚMERO 222 ORGÁNICA MUNICIPAL. — XI. PRESCRIPCIONES CONSTITUCIONALES. — XII. ELEMENTOS ESENCIALES.
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From its conception, the Andean Pact was perceived as the accelerated effort of a group of countries to integrate, as a unit, in a more harmonious concert of policies and trade with the larger countries of the region. The question about the validity of the Andean Group in the current context of the world situation and Latin America has only one answer: the Andean Group continues and will continue to have a profound meaning for a fuller development of our peoples and for a better and more independent economic and political insertion in the Latin American and international context, despite the uncertainty of the panorama not only of Andean integration but of the entire process of regional economic and political cooperation. ; Desde su concepción, el Pacto Andino se percibió como el esfuerzo acelerado de un grupo de países para integrarse, como unidad, en un concierto más armónico de políticas y comercio con los países mayores de la región. La pregunta sobre la validez del Grupo Andino en el contexto actual de la situación mundial y Latinoamérica, solo tiene una respuesta: el Grupo Andino sigue y seguirá teniendo un profundo significado para un desarrollo más pleno de nuestros pueblos y para una mejor y más independiente inserción económica y política en el contexto latinoamericano e internacional, pese a lo incierto del panorama no solo de la integración andina sino de todo el proceso de cooperación económica y política regional.
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This article will discuss the scope and nature of constitutional protection to be afforded political party autonomy by the first and fourteenth amendments. The purpose of the present discussion is to review both legal and political sides of this question. Once this is done it will become clear that a party right to protected autonomy during the candidate selection process is not only founded upon solid constitutional ground but is also in keeping with sound political wisdom.
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It is now a common place to insist that nothing will be the same in post-Malvinas Argentina, but beyond this affirmation a collective reflection must be imposed that allows to operationalize the new ideas that should give viability to the Constitutional Republic. External affairs will constitute one of the most important aspects of the suggested reflection. The country seems to have become aware that international relations constitute too important a dimension to be delegated to men who lack a realistic, comprehensive and mature vision of the international system. In this paper, it is argued that the permanent maximization of national autonomy should constitute the objective of a truly independent foreign policy and for that it is unavoidable to have up-to-date external frameworks and precise and operational political categories. ; Es ya un lugar común afirmar que nada será igual en la Argentina post-Malvinas, pero más allá de esta afirmación debe imponerse una reflexión colectiva que permita operacionalizar las nuevas ideas que deberán otorgarle viabilidad a la Republica Constitucional. Los temas externos constituirán uno de los aspectos más importantes de la reflexión sugerida. El país parece haber tomado conciencia de que las relaciones internacionales constituyen una dimensión demasiado importante como para que se la delegue a hombres desprovistos de una visión realista, amplia y madura del sistema internacional. En este trabajo se sostiene que la maximización permanente de la autonomía nacional debe constituir el objetivo de una política exterior verdaderamente independiente y para ella es ineludible contar con marcos externos actualizados y con categorías políticas precisas y operativas.
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This Article will suggest that the right of autonomy, which limits state control over children, should be considered to reside not in the child alone, but in the family, just as the right against state interference with the family structure resides in the family. The shift in focus from children's rights to family rights implicitly accounts for the mental, physical, and emotional differences between children and adults. Moreover, protecting a family's right of autonomy insures that decisions on behalf of the child will be made by those presumptively best able to make such decisions, the parents.
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