Suchergebnisse

International pressure prevented Croatia from ending the occupation of eastern Slavonia by military means. The author claims that the policy of peaceful integration & the UNTAES mandate are rife with risks that might jeopardize eventual Croatian control of that region. He points out a set of contentious issues related to the occupied territory: incomplete demilitarization, dual government (parallel UNTAES & Serbian authorities), no return for non-Serbian refugees, staying-in-place of Serbs from other parts of Croatia, Bosnia, & Serbia. Particularly risky for Croatia are the efforts of local Serbs to retain absolute ethnic majority as the grounds for establishing territorial autonomy, which would enable the militant acolytes of Greater Serbian politics to remain in the region & push for secession & annexation by Serbia -- efforts that would in all probability be given military support by Serbia, this time under circumstances that would be much more unfavorable for Croatia than in 1995. The author concludes that for Croatia, the only acceptable solution is the total integration of eastern Slavonia & the establishment of full Croatian sovereignty; the creation of a Serbian autonomous province in that region must on no account be permitted. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the spiritual climate at the time of the publication of Rawis' A Theory of Justice (1971) & describes its huge impact on the political philosophy of the 20th century. Then he analyses Rawls' acknowledgement of Kant. First he depicts Rawls' formulation of his original position along the lines of Kant's idea of the autonomy of the individual & the categorical imperative. There might be some problems with the possible convergence of Rawls' economism & Kant's moral position. According to Rawis, the original position parties may express their nature, but at the same time they belong to the intelligible world. Raws has tried to overcome this divergence from Kant's concept in his paper Kantian Constructivism in Moral Theory by means of distinguishing between the rational & the full autonomy, from which the author concludes that Rawis was inclined to adopt a certain version of utilitarianism. According to the author, Rawis' attempt to bridge Kant's rigorous distinction between the law & the morality by means of his sense of justice is entirely alien to Kant. Hence there is an unbridgable chasm between Kant & Rawis, which does not mean that Rawis' attempt at using Kant's categories in the design of democratic societies is insufficiently legitimate. 71 References. Adapted from the source document.

In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.

In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with one of the "classic" components of the state governed by law -- the principle of judges' autonomy -- using the example of the German legal system & its practice after the unification of 1990. Following a short outline of the evolution of the postulate of judges' autonomy, the author depicts the institutional framework of the present-day German judiciary, & then the quandaries ensuing from the unification of the legal systems of the two Germanies. Finally, the author describes Croatian problems. The Republic of Croatia, as a country in transition, & due to the specific circumstances caused by the Patriotic War, has found itself in a similar predicament. It has responded to these challenges, but not as successfully as Germany. Adapted from the source document.

Službena politika Republike Hrvatske prema Bosni i Hercegovini 1990-ih najčešće se ne tumači na temelju izvornih dokumenata i činjenica, nego je mješavina medijskih informacija i dezinformacija koje formiraju javno znanje prema mjeri (suprotstavljenih) političkih aktera. Stoga je Miroslav Tuđman priredio knjigu koja upravo izlazi pod nazivom "Bosna i Hercegovina u raljama zapadne demokracije: korespondencija predsjednika Republike Hrvatske dr. Franje Tuđmana i dokumenti o Bosni i Hercegovini 1990.-1995." u kojoj se prvi put donose izvorni dokumenti na temelju kojih je moguće prosuditi i razumjeti hrvatsku politiku prema Bosni i Hercegovini 1990-ih godina. Većina od 256 u knjizi objavljenih dokumenata prvi je put dostupna javnosti!