Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this article is to research in more detail the restoration of the Old Believers parishes and their recognition during the interwar Lithuania (excluding Vilnius region) from 1918 to 1923, as well as to analyse the legalization of the Old Believers' Church of Lithuania and the problems of practical establishment of religious autonomy in this period.The main focus is on three new problems: the situation of the Old Believers' parishes in the country at the beginning of 1918, taking into account the mass migration to the depths of Russia from 1914 to 1915; the restoration of Old Believers parishes and the legalization (registration) of their religious activities from 1918 to 1922, during their mass repatriation to Lithuania; and focus on some problems of the practical consolidation of Old Believers' Church of Lithuania autonomy from 1923 to 1926. The research is based mostly on new archival data, as well as on the analysis and interpretation of Lithuanian and partly foreign historiography on this topic.The study suggests that due to the mass migration of Old Believers to the East between 1914 and 1915, the future Lithuanian territory retained a much thinner congregation network and in turn had fewer parishes members by the beginning of 1918. Therefore, the mass repatriation of the Old Believers from Soviet Russia from the spring of 1918 to 1922 to a large extent explains why the recovery of many of their parishes in Lithuania has been rather slow.After the establishment of the central institutions of the Church in May 1922, the Lithuanian Old Believers' Church was legal-ized on the basis of "Provisional regulations concerning the relationship between the organization of Old Believers in Lithuania and the Lithuanian government" on the May 20, 1923. Therefore, for the first time in history in 1923 the Lithuanian Old Believers Church was legally recognized in a certain state and formally received equal rights with other recognized denominations. At that time, Lithuania was the first country in Central and Eastern Europe to officially recognize the Old Believers (Pomorian) Church.

The purpose of this article is to research in more detail the restoration of the Old Believers parishes and their recognition during the interwar Lithuania (excluding Vilnius region) from 1918 to 1923, as well as to analyse the legalization of the Old Believers' Church of Lithuania and the problems of practical establishment of religious autonomy in this period.The main focus is on three new problems: the situation of the Old Believers' parishes in the country at the beginning of 1918, taking into account the mass migration to the depths of Russia from 1914 to 1915; the restoration of Old Believers parishes and the legalization (registration) of their religious activities from 1918 to 1922, during their mass repatriation to Lithuania; and focus on some problems of the practical consolidation of Old Believers' Church of Lithuania autonomy from 1923 to 1926. The research is based mostly on new archival data, as well as on the analysis and interpretation of Lithuanian and partly foreign historiography on this topic.The study suggests that due to the mass migration of Old Believers to the East between 1914 and 1915, the future Lithuanian territory retained a much thinner congregation network and in turn had fewer parishes members by the beginning of 1918. Therefore, the mass repatriation of the Old Believers from Soviet Russia from the spring of 1918 to 1922 to a large extent explains why the recovery of many of their parishes in Lithuania has been rather slow.After the establishment of the central institutions of the Church in May 1922, the Lithuanian Old Believers' Church was legal-ized on the basis of "Provisional regulations concerning the relationship between the organization of Old Believers in Lithuania and the Lithuanian government" on the May 20, 1923. Therefore, for the first time in history in 1923 the Lithuanian Old Believers Church was legally recognized in a certain state and formally received equal rights with other recognized denominations. At that time, Lithuania was the first country in Central and Eastern Europe to officially recognize the Old Believers (Pomorian) Church.

The purpose of this article is to research in more detail the restoration of the Old Believers parishes and their recognition during the interwar Lithuania (excluding Vilnius region) from 1918 to 1923, as well as to analyse the legalization of the Old Believers' Church of Lithuania and the problems of practical establishment of religious autonomy in this period.The main focus is on three new problems: the situation of the Old Believers' parishes in the country at the beginning of 1918, taking into account the mass migration to the depths of Russia from 1914 to 1915; the restoration of Old Believers parishes and the legalization (registration) of their religious activities from 1918 to 1922, during their mass repatriation to Lithuania; and focus on some problems of the practical consolidation of Old Believers' Church of Lithuania autonomy from 1923 to 1926. The research is based mostly on new archival data, as well as on the analysis and interpretation of Lithuanian and partly foreign historiography on this topic.The study suggests that due to the mass migration of Old Believers to the East between 1914 and 1915, the future Lithuanian territory retained a much thinner congregation network and in turn had fewer parishes members by the beginning of 1918. Therefore, the mass repatriation of the Old Believers from Soviet Russia from the spring of 1918 to 1922 to a large extent explains why the recovery of many of their parishes in Lithuania has been rather slow.After the establishment of the central institutions of the Church in May 1922, the Lithuanian Old Believers' Church was legal-ized on the basis of "Provisional regulations concerning the relationship between the organization of Old Believers in Lithuania and the Lithuanian government" on the May 20, 1923. Therefore, for the first time in history in 1923 the Lithuanian Old Believers Church was legally recognized in a certain state and formally received equal rights with other recognized denominations. At that time, Lithuania was the first country in Central and Eastern Europe to officially recognize the Old Believers (Pomorian) Church.

Each of these three positions compete: agents of the second and third positions accuse those of the first position of violating the autonomy principles of political and journalistic fields; the third position perceives civic journalism as non-objective journalism. However, the latter two positions more often become allies rather than opponents in the fight of the field of political journalism to preserve field autonomy.

Each of these three positions compete: agents of the second and third positions accuse those of the first position of violating the autonomy principles of political and journalistic fields; the third position perceives civic journalism as non-objective journalism. However, the latter two positions more often become allies rather than opponents in the fight of the field of political journalism to preserve field autonomy.

Each of these three positions compete: agents of the second and third positions accuse those of the first position of violating the autonomy principles of political and journalistic fields; the third position perceives civic journalism as non-objective journalism. However, the latter two positions more often become allies rather than opponents in the fight of the field of political journalism to preserve field autonomy.

Each of these three positions compete: agents of the second and third positions accuse those of the first position of violating the autonomy principles of political and journalistic fields; the third position perceives civic journalism as non-objective journalism. However, the latter two positions more often become allies rather than opponents in the fight of the field of political journalism to preserve field autonomy.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

This thesis focuses on the secessionist tendencies in two Spanish regions – The Basque Country and Catalonia. The aim of this thesis is to examine the factors that have triggered secession demands in these two cases. The thesis establishes a theoretical framework which embraces three causal determinants with regards to democratic secessionist mobilization. Firstly, it is argued that a cultural solidarity based on common cultural markers is an essential factor for any secession movement to emerge. Secondly, a relative economic advantage and fiscal issues may also pave the way for decisions concerning secessions. Thirdly, the political factors such as discontent with the state-wide policies and the existence of regional parties are also regarded as crucial determinants of secessionist mobilization. Having applied this framework to the cases of Basques and Catalonia, it was shown that cultural based determinants have little relevance to the empirical cases. In spite of the existence of a regional language, the data revealed that both regions can be regarded more as culturally fragmented rather than as homogenous. From the economic point of view, it was argued that both regions may be described as relatively affluent with respect to the Spanish state. However, the economic determinants were proved to be of much higher importance in the case of Catalonia. This is due to the Spanish fiscal policies and a specific fiscal arrangement applied to the Basque Country that allows the Basque Country to enjoy some degree of fiscal autonomy. The analysis of political factors showed that the institutional decentralization in both cases positively affects secessionist tendencies by providing regional parties with better representation in political arena. Thus, discontent with state-wide policies can be expressed. However, while Catalan political discourse is clearly secession-oriented, the Basque case shows quite a different trend. In The Basque Country there is a nationalist division which is reflected through the two main regional parties with distinct ideological backgrounds.

This thesis focuses on the secessionist tendencies in two Spanish regions – The Basque Country and Catalonia. The aim of this thesis is to examine the factors that have triggered secession demands in these two cases. The thesis establishes a theoretical framework which embraces three causal determinants with regards to democratic secessionist mobilization. Firstly, it is argued that a cultural solidarity based on common cultural markers is an essential factor for any secession movement to emerge. Secondly, a relative economic advantage and fiscal issues may also pave the way for decisions concerning secessions. Thirdly, the political factors such as discontent with the state-wide policies and the existence of regional parties are also regarded as crucial determinants of secessionist mobilization. Having applied this framework to the cases of Basques and Catalonia, it was shown that cultural based determinants have little relevance to the empirical cases. In spite of the existence of a regional language, the data revealed that both regions can be regarded more as culturally fragmented rather than as homogenous. From the economic point of view, it was argued that both regions may be described as relatively affluent with respect to the Spanish state. However, the economic determinants were proved to be of much higher importance in the case of Catalonia. This is due to the Spanish fiscal policies and a specific fiscal arrangement applied to the Basque Country that allows the Basque Country to enjoy some degree of fiscal autonomy. The analysis of political factors showed that the institutional decentralization in both cases positively affects secessionist tendencies by providing regional parties with better representation in political arena. Thus, discontent with state-wide policies can be expressed. However, while Catalan political discourse is clearly secession-oriented, the Basque case shows quite a different trend. In The Basque Country there is a nationalist division which is reflected through the two main regional parties with distinct ideological backgrounds.

This thesis focuses on the secessionist tendencies in two Spanish regions – The Basque Country and Catalonia. The aim of this thesis is to examine the factors that have triggered secession demands in these two cases. The thesis establishes a theoretical framework which embraces three causal determinants with regards to democratic secessionist mobilization. Firstly, it is argued that a cultural solidarity based on common cultural markers is an essential factor for any secession movement to emerge. Secondly, a relative economic advantage and fiscal issues may also pave the way for decisions concerning secessions. Thirdly, the political factors such as discontent with the state-wide policies and the existence of regional parties are also regarded as crucial determinants of secessionist mobilization. Having applied this framework to the cases of Basques and Catalonia, it was shown that cultural based determinants have little relevance to the empirical cases. In spite of the existence of a regional language, the data revealed that both regions can be regarded more as culturally fragmented rather than as homogenous. From the economic point of view, it was argued that both regions may be described as relatively affluent with respect to the Spanish state. However, the economic determinants were proved to be of much higher importance in the case of Catalonia. This is due to the Spanish fiscal policies and a specific fiscal arrangement applied to the Basque Country that allows the Basque Country to enjoy some degree of fiscal autonomy. The analysis of political factors showed that the institutional decentralization in both cases positively affects secessionist tendencies by providing regional parties with better representation in political arena. Thus, discontent with state-wide policies can be expressed. However, while Catalan political discourse is clearly secession-oriented, the Basque case shows quite a different trend. In The Basque Country there is a nationalist division which is reflected through the two main regional parties with distinct ideological backgrounds.

The aim of this research was to analyse the legal regulation of the selected higher education institutions in Lithuania in the period of 1918–1940 and to disclose the political and historical context and its impact on the legal regulation. For this purpose, the legal documents regulating the activities of high schools were examined. Also, further tasks were set: to identify the prevailing governance concepts of higher education institutions, to disclose the grounds for choosing the specific concept and to evaluate the corresponding governance concept; to estimate the impact of state government on the legal regulation of higher education system.