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The liberal state, it has been argued, must be neutral between different conceptions of the good. Honoring individual autonomy & embodying ideals such as fairness & impartiality, the doctrine of state neutrality is intuitively appealing. Working as a restraint for state actions it is however problematic. In this paper, a possible solution to this predicament is outlined. Drawing on the distinction between liberty & what gives worth to liberty, it is argued that we must never accept non-neutral restrictions of liberty itself, but may pursue non-neutral policies affecting the distribution of what gives worth to liberty & may impose taxes funding non-neutral state actions, although such taxation inevitable limits the worth of our liberty. It is suggested that we, by adopting such a policy of limited state perfectionism, can recognize the right to individual autonomy without having to restrain the state from doing the good it can. References. Adapted from the source document.

Presents & reviews complexities concerning the definition & role of Sami political representation in the Swedish government. The organ for representation of the indigenous Sami people, Sametinget, now 10 years old, can be still considered in many ways as a political experiment in which an attempt is made to give the interests of the Sami people greater visibility & mobility in the Swedish government & increase Sami autonomy without simultaneously weakening the power of other elected Swedish organs. Much of the difficulty that arises in determining the proper & most effective direction of Sametinget is that in its definition of purpose the organ can be seen in many ways as being a type of hybrid between a popularly elected parliament & a central government administration. In this respect the Sametinget operates on inherently contradictory grounds. As these contradictions are explored in some depth it is suggested that in order for the organ to move ahead into a productive future, a clarification of its authority must be made. Otherwise both Sami support for -- & general Swedish recognition of -- Sametinget might be eroded. 24 References. C. Brunski

The European Union (EU) has for a long time had ambitions to achieve some form of 'Strategic Autonomy', often understood as a capability to conduct security pol- icy independent of the United States. With the EU's Global Strategy (EUGS) from 2016, this objective, albeit without a clear definition, is part of the public EU strat- egy. This new level of ambition places high demands on the independent intelli- gence capacities for the member states as well as for the EU at the collective level. at national level as well as for the EU at the collective level. As the world moves towards multipolarity and the geopolitization of the economic sphere, the ambi- tion for strategic autonomy has a broader meaning, such as the ability to conduct an independent trade policy or to choose a supplier of 5G infrastructure. In light of this, this article aims to analyse strategic autonomy as a security policy objective and the various intelligence needs it raises. We analyse autonomy in three different functions, or areas of application: political autonomy, operational autonomy and industrial and digital autonomy. We will then make an overview of how these needs currently are meet and how additional intelligence capacity could be created.

Rewilding is positioned as 'post'-conservation through its emphasis on unleashing the autonomy of natural processes. In this paper, we argue that the autonomy of nature rhetoric in rewilding is challenged by human interventions. Instead of joining critique toward the 'managed wilderness' approach of rewilding, however, we examine the injustices this entails for keystone species. Reintroduction case studies demonstrate how arbitrary standards for wildness are imposed on these animals as they do their assigned duty to rehabilitate ecosystems. These 'Goldilocks' standards are predicated on aesthetic values that sanction interventions inconsistent with the premise of animal sovereignty. These include culling, relocations and sterilizations of animals that demonstrate the kind of autonomy championed in rewilding rhetoric. Drawing from Donaldson and Kymlicka's framework for political animal categories, we conclude by arguing that rewilding needs to re-position itself in one of two ways. Either it should align itself more closely to mainstream conservation and embrace full animal sovereignty without Goldilocks conditions, or it should commit to taking full responsibility for reintroduced animals, including supplementary feeding and care.

Strindberg's strategies of commitment, disengagement and new commitment across the border between literature and politics represent an intriguing intellectual adventure we can follow throughout his life as a writer. My article focuses on Strindberg's dilemma as it took form in the first half of the 1880s, and observes it through his fundamental and controversial relationship with the Swedish journalist, literary critic and Social-democratic political leader Hjalmar Branting, with the Danish playwright, literary critic, journalist and radical liberal politician Edvard Brandes, and with the Norwegian writer, politically engaged intellectual and nasjonalskald Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson. For a period they all experienced, along with Strindberg, the ambivalence of working in a social field where art and politics were intertwined, and were to a certain extent involved in the same project, each with his own interpretation. For Strindberg the writer, defending his autonomy from the political field in the end became crucial. What did his colleagues expect from his work? How did Strindberg react to their expectations? What is his legacy today with respect to stances such as intellectual autonomy from power, democratic rule, pacifism and critique of civilization, but also anti-feminism and anti-Semitism? Strindberg's unruly genius illustrates that it is at times difficult to draw the dividing line between radicalism and reaction, and that the great modernists were often also great anti-modernists.

Abstract Olsson, Karin (2009). Den (över)levande demokratin. En idékritisk analys av demokratins reproducerbarhet i Robert Dahls tänkta värld. (Sustainable Democracy. Exploring the Idea of a Reproducible Democracy in the Theory of Robert A. Dahl). Acta Wexionensia 185/2009, ISSN: 1404-4307, ISBN: 978-91-7636-677-6. With a summary in English. Everybody loves democracy. The problem is that while everybody calls himself democratic, the ideal form of democracy is hard to come by in the real world. But if we believe in democracy and believe that it is the best form of government, I argue that we should try to design a theory of democracy that is realisable – and reproducible. This thesis, then, focuses primarily on the question whether we find support in democratic theory for an idea of a self-reproducing democracy. It proceeds by means of an investigation of Robert A. Dahl's theory of democracy. He is one of the most well-known and highly regarded theorists in the field of democratic research, whose work covers both normative and empirical analysis. When analysing the reproducible democracy, I argue that it is essential to study both normative values and empirical assumptions: the values that count as intrinsic to democracy, the assumptions that are made about man, and the institutions that are needed for the realisable and reproducible democracy. In modern social science man is often pushed into the background. This is also the case in theories of democracy, even though man (the individual) is the one who has the right to vote, the one who has the autonomy to decide – the one who has to act democratically in order to preserve democracy. The study yields the following findings. First, in Dahl's theory political equality and autonomy come out as intrinsic values. Second, the assumptions made about man show that even if he seems to be ignored, he is always present. When Dahl construes his theory, he does it with full attention to man's qualities, interests, manners of acting and reacting, and adaptability to the values of democracy. Third, the institutions needed to realise and reproduce democracy go further than the institutions of polyarchy. They need support from the judicial system, political culture, education and the market. Fourth, when it comes down to making democracy work and reproducing democracy, Dahl puts the full responsibility on man as he is not willing to allow too rigid constitutional mechanisms. Fifth, even though Dahl puts the emphasis on the empirical situation of the real world, he does not alter his normative ideals in order to make the theory more adaptive. For him, political equality and autonomy are imperative demands, too important to alter. And the only way to get full procedural democracy is to trust the democratic man.

Decentralization and power devolution are usually associated with territorially large states, and federalism is often said to be particularly common in large countries. This study of the 43 microstates in the world (2006) shows, however, that decentralization and the creation of federal and autonomous units are not foreign to small countries. Indeed, ill the microstate population are four federal cases and another six cases that have introduced evident decentralizing features. When developing a frame of reference for the understanding of this disposition of small units to decentralize, the guiding hypothesis is that whereas small size may in itself discourage decentralization, this relation is tamed by a non-contiguous geography which creates predispositions to autonomy and power devolution. Nine out of the ten above devolution cases being archipelagos, the findings strongly support the belief that territorial non-contiguity fosters decentralization. The findings also survive controls that investigate the impact of several contesting factors. L. Pitkaniemi

The aim of this thesis is to examine EU agro-environmental policy (AEP) from the perspective of how intentions transform into practical action, with special emphasis on various instruments of control. The AEP is especially discussed in relation to the basic issues of efficiency and democracy. This corresponds to the definition of a 'planning perspective' used here, which mainly focuses on 'effect planning', including both organisational and action related questions. The hypothesis is that problems related to goal fulfilment are more an effect of insufficient knowledge of action, rather than an effect of insufficient knowledge of (environmental) facts. When planning in agricultural landscapes, one must consider the interests of individual land owners and farmers. This planning thereby becomes 'dialogue oriented'. Advantages and disadvantages of the current agro-political system are discussed with reference to two general models of the 'agro-political dialogue' and the results from a case study in Sweden. Various planning theories are discussed from the point of view of how they contribute to an even better understanding of the situation. One conclusion is that within the AEP of today, there is neither a concise planning oriented discussion on the character of current agro-environmental problems, nor on the most relevant and effective means by which to handle these. Existing economical instruments of control and general forms of environmental measures need to be supplemented with more effective legislation directed towards environmental problems that cannot be solved on a voluntary basis and on a local implementation level. Furthermore, there is a great need of alternative organisational solutions for sharing the responsibility for environmental problems that can only be handled effectively on the local and regional implementation levels. Another conclusion is that the autonomy of the Swedish farmers has gradually decreased since the great land allocation reforms. This gives cause for concern from the point of view of democracy. The dialogue perspective reveals that farmers must become more influential within the agro-environmental policy process, but also that we have to consider the fact that many farmers do not want to participate in the agro-environmental programmes. Concepts like paternalism and professionalism are helpful in trying to grasp the situation and answering the question of why this process has been left to develop so far without being noticed or challenged. The lead theme of this thesis can thus be seen as a contribution to resolving the central issue which remains; how to combine the demands for more agro-environmental efficiency without further infringement on farmers' autonomy?

Research on Europeanization clearly shows that membership in the European Union over time affects the national political systems of member states. Given Norway's extensive integration within the EU, it is relevant and important to assess whether and, if so, how the Norwegian political system, too, has changed as a result, and how these effects compare with the general patterns among EU member states. Exploring the Europeanization of Norway in a comparative perspective, the article maps the effects of European integration for four central power relationships in the Norwegian political system: national-supranational authority, executive-legislative-judicial authority, political-administrative authority and national-regional authority. It is demonstrated that integration within the EU to a large extent has had the same effects in Norway as in the member states of the EU, despite Norway's alternative form of affiliation: extensive delegation of power to the supranational level, strengthening of the government in relation to the parliament, an increasingly important role for national courts, expanded power and autonomy of the executive administration in relation to the political leadership, and some strengthening of the regions vis-a-vis the central government. Adapted from the source document.

The ways of organizing political problem solving in society are not static. A pluralistic dynamic society requires a continious reconsideration and adaption of its political in­stitutions, i.e. political institutionalization. Institutiona­lization demands prior organizing activities among actors for political aims. Organizing activities can be seen both inter­nally, externally or between existing organisations and in­stitutions . The degree of institutionalization reflects the organizing activities' survival capacity. The higher the degree of in­stitutionalization the more likely it is that the organizing activity will become a formally based organisation or institu­tion, or will change the dominating values of organisations or institutions. The degree of institutionalization is discussed using the concepts of adaptability, complexity, autonomy and flexibility. The thesis represents a problem-oriented implementation approach where individuals' joint ways of organizing problem- solving are the basis for analysis of both policy-realization and political institutionalization. Policy is defined as ideas and the ways of creating institutional arrangements in order to realize them. A "policy-problem", defined as the empirical question answered by examining the process of institutionali­zation, is used to study the policy-processes in the field of occupational safety and health. The ways in which individuals collectively organize in order to create a good working environment are studied using the concept of implementation structures. These are defined as phenomenological administrative units of analysis, i.e. groups of individuals empirically judged to take part in solving the policy problem. ; digitalisering@umu

The aim of the study is to examine the extent to which Muslim congregations in Sweden cooperate with organizations in the public and voluntary sectors and to identify the internal and external organizational factors that favour or disfavour such cooperation. The study is based on a nationwide survey of local Muslim congregations (n = 105), and is the first survey of its kind in Europe. Like many other voluntary organizations, Muslim congregations work in cooperation with other voluntary organizations, but also with various institutions run by the local authorities. In Sweden, cooperation between different organizations is strongly encouraged, which results in a system that provides the congregations with opportunity structures. Other factors that influence the degree of cooperation include whether the congregation feels support or opposition from the surrounding community and the local demographic and socio-economic situation: there is a higher degree of cooperation in small municipalities with many social problems. Ethnic heterogeneity is one of the major organizational factors that affect the degree of cooperation. congregations that have an open attitude towards different Muslim traditions, which essential for a multiethnic congregation, are also those most interested in cooperation with other organizations and institutions. Irrespective of whether they belong to a national umbrella organization or not, Muslim congregations in Sweden are in priciple independent local organizations. It is therefore difficult for Islam in Sweden to operate on a national level, in the way that other more established voluntary organizations do. On the other hand, this study shows that while they lack a united voice on the national arena, they have the advantage of flexibility arising from their local autonomy.

"Scientists, engineers, and a free-choice society is a book about control, largely the governing of children and young people in Sweden and the efforts made to persuade them to choose careers—and identities—in science and technology in the period 1950–2000. It is very much part of an interdisciplinary research tradition in which perspectives taken from the history of science and education are combined with theories from the field of governmentality studies. The book begins by describing a new societal problem that confronted Sweden, like so many other Western countries, in the immediate post-war years, namely a lack of engineers and scientists. The period from the outbreak of the Second World War to the mid fifties saw a new appreciation for scientific research and its application in both the military and civilian sectors. With the reconstruction of Europe and the Marshall Plan at its height in the fifties, technology and science became gradually associated with rising industrial productivity and with economic growth in general.
By the sixties this had left national employment policy with some markedly pronounced objectives. By the end of the decade, it was obvious that the determination to increase student numbers in science and engineering ran contrary to other political ambitions, and did not sit well with the right of the individual to freedom of choice in education. The attempt to respect people's autonomy while at the same time enabling more of them study these particular disciplines shaped a distinct set of strategies that made up the 'positive exercise of power'—what might also be called liberal governing—in which the main idea was to encourage students to come to science and engineering of their own free will.
The book goes on to demonstrate how this strategy of governing through individual autonomy would result in a series of specific measures in the seventies and on, including changes to the curricula and teaching materials, which were matched by activities outside the traditional bounds of learning such as a travelling science shows, advertising campaigns, and the construction of science and technology centres. The book also spells out the sheer reach of this recruitment policy. Many leading figures in Sweden set out to encourage people to become scientists and engineers—these were voices heard not only from government quarters, but also from industry and special interest groups.
Scientists, engineers and a free-choice society does not set out to answer the question of how best to set about attracting young people into science and technology; rather, it is concerned with how that question has been answered by others, and what impact their responses have had on power relations between society and the individual, and indeed on the place of science and engineering
education in the present. - Naturvetarna, ingenjörerna och valfrihetens samhälle handlar om styrning av framförallt barn och ungdomar i Sverige till att välja naturvetenskap och teknik som utbildning, yrke och identitet mellan åren 1950–2000. Ämnesmässigt befinner sig texten i en tvärvetenskaplig forskningstradition där perspektiv från vetenskapshistoria och utbildningshistoria används tillsammans med teoretisk inspiration från fältet governmentality studies. I boken beskrivs inledningsvis framväxten av en ny samhällelig problembild i Sverige och övriga västvärlden under tidig efterkrigstid, nämligen bristen på ingenjörer och naturvetare. Den period som sträckte sig från andra världskriget krigets utbrott till 1950-­?talets mitt hade sett en ny värdering av vetenskaplig forskning och tillämpning, både från de militära och civila delarna av samhället. I samband med återuppbyggnaden av Europa och den pågående Marshallhjälpen sammankopplades teknik och naturvetenskap alltmer med ökad industriell produktivitet men också med ekonomisk tillväxt.
Ovanstående utveckling ledde under 1960-­?talet till att rekryteringspolitiska målsättningar uttalades allt starkare. I slutet av decenniet blev det uppenbart att viljan att höja antalet studerande i teknik och naturvetenskap kom att kollidera med andra utbildningspolitiska ambitioner, framförallt den om individens rätt till ett fritt val av utbildning. I försöken att på samma gång respektera detta självbestämmande och samtidigt skapa fler studerande inom de ovan nämnda disciplinerna växte strategier fram i formen av ett slags "positiv maktutövning" – vad som också kallas liberalt styre – där den bärande idén var att förmå elever att söka sig till naturvetenskap och teknik av sin egen fria vilja.
Boken ger fortsättningsvis prov på hur denna strategi att styra genom individens autonomi frambringade en rad olika specifika påverkanssåtgärder från 1970-­?talet och framåt. Bland dessa återfinns förändrade kursplaner och läromedel, men också insatser utanför den traditionella läromiljön, såsom kringresande vetenskapsshower, reklamkampanjer och uppförandet av teknik-­? och vetenskapscentra. Vad som också framträder i boken är rekryteringspolitikens bredd. Många aktörer i samhället verkade för fler naturvetare och ingenjörer – inte endast på myndighetsnivå utan även inom näringsliv och bland enskilda intresseorganisationer.
Naturvetarna, ingenjörerna och valfrihetens samhälle ger inga svar inte på hur fler ungdomar skall förmås bli intresserade av naturvetenskap och teknik. Snarare handlar boken om hur den frågan besvarats av andra och vilka konsekvenser detta har fått för uppkomsten av nya maktrelationer mellan samhälle och individ, men också för de naturvetenskapliga och tekniska utbildningarnas positioner i samtiden."

The first part of this report provides an overview of the history of nuclear weapons doctrine, as it evolved in parallel to the practice of warfare and war planning in the mid-1940s and subsequently as an integral element of the cold war. A distinction is made between the early development of nuclear weapons doctrine, when United States held a dominant position in the field, and the near-parity situation that ensued in the late 1960s and onwards. The second part of the report consists of an analysis of American, British, French and Russian nuclear weapons doctrine between 1991 and 2018, illustrating how a period of low tension was gradually replaced with a reinvigoration of mutual suspicion after the year 2000. A third part briefly examines recent contributions to the American scholarly debate about the utility of nuclear weapons for strategic thought in a world moving toward polycentrism, as it revisits earlier theoretical insights and challenges conventional wisdoms. The fourth and final part elicits lessons for Sweden in particular. Overall, the report demonstrates that nuclear weapons consistently have represented an integral element of managing security risks in the Western hemisphere but that domestic political and defense industry considerations play in as well. It also suggests that doctrinal adjustments mirror the major concerns of policymakers in this regard and that nuclear powers are well aware of special obligations and privileges ascribed to them by countries that lack this category of weapons. A world in which the United States wields the greatest share of this power (unipolarity) will nonetheless be quite different from one in which two countries possess roughly the same capacity (bipolarity), and yet fundamentally different from one in which three or more countries compete to gain, or sustain, an edge toward others (multipolarity). To the extent that the world is moving toward greater security competition including the dimension of nuclear power, it will inevitably be more difficult for individual states to remain on the sidelines, unless they are ready to compromise their political autonomy. In terms of options for aligning Sweden with a broader security arrangement in the near future, there are only three feasible alternatives that may offset the risk of nuclear coercion: responding within the framework of the EU, forge closer ties to NATO, or build a bilateral relationship to the United States. Each such option comes with its own set of assets and liabilities, as does remaining a passive bystander. ; Transaltantisk och europeisk säkerhet , FORBE

In 1999, the Swedish Parliament decided to launch an experiment to test the idea of replacing, at the compulsory educational level, the national time schedule with localized control of schedules. This was in keeping with strategies of deregulation, decentralisation and increased local autonomy that had dominated Swedish education policy, particularly since the 1990s. The aim of the thesis is to describe and analyse the initiation, decision, implementation and consequences of this experiment The analytical framework combines several different approaches and theories from the literature on public policy and policy analysis. The framework encompasses four dimensions, which cover the experiment's origins, local application in the classroom setting and consequences. On the empirical level, findings are based on interviews with 32 municipal school directors, and head teachers, teachers and pupils in three schools participating in the experiment, as well as written sources from schools, municipalities, and the national level. The thesis shows that the policy problem the experiment was intended to resolve was represented in an inconsistent manner: On the one hand, the experiment was perceived as a driving force for change; on the other hand, it was seen as legitimising a change that had already taken place. Furthermore, the experiment was formulated in vague terms, which accorded far-reaching discretionary space to the schools. The program's causal theory expressed by the policy makers was complex, containing a multifaceted chain of presumptions on a range of activities and processes through which the experiment ultimately would lead to improved opportunities for pupils to reach the educational objectives. Empirically, this prediction proved to be invalid as student achievement did not increase. The degree of implementation at the local level varied according to the comprehension, capability and willingness of those involved to carry out the experiment. The courses of action taken by the schools frequently could have been undertaken within the existing legislative framework, as they mostly concerned new ways of working and organising staff and pupils. An assessment of the objectives attained showed that, even if elements of developmental work corresponding to the direction stated in the policy documents were observed, the experiment did not emerge as the primary explanatory factor for this result Thus, the net impact of the experiment can be questioned. If judged against the criterion of adaptiveness, the results are more successful than if the experiment is assessed according to goal-attainment and the validity of the program theory. The experiment was found to integrate, alter and accommodate itself readily to local needs. The thesis illustrates the complexity of formulating and implementing policy in a decentralised context and points to important aspects in the historical background of the programme, which often tend to be overlooked when policy is analysed and discussed. At the same time, the study sheds light on the significant role played by street-level implementation actors in the educational context.

During the 2000s, Sweden has pursued an active foreign and security policy. This has meant participation in several international military operations and has left many Swedish soldiers and officers with combat experience. Thus, the Swedish parliament decided in 2010 on a political reform of the veterans area, with more extensive societal support, war decorations to express the government recognition of personal sacrifices made in the service and a new medal for courage in combat. Considered as a reward system, it functions as an immaterial and emotionally established incentive, in contrast to the financial and bonus reward systems that are otherwise common. From a governance perspective, this setting is fundamentally interesting. The complexity of military operations and the demands for efficiency in armed combat are in contrast with the democratic state's need to guarantee the rule of law, even from a distance and under difficult conditions. Traditional government is not sufficient because the situation is characterized by high contextual uncertainty and therefore requires more situational adaptive control. Organizing in a professional model implies autonomy for military officials, and this means that there is a form of gap in terms of civilian control. In the dissertation, a concept and an analytical model are formulated to understand this phenomenon, entitled soft norm governance, that also form one of the main results. The model combines four levels of analysis to describe the dynamics of the steering mix: organizational metagovernance, rule control, policy work and professional ethics. One conclusion is that professional ethics has a two-way function in the chain of implementation steering, both as a decisive factor for concrete decision-making, but also as an objective for the government's soft norm governance. Thus, this control gap does not mean absence of control, but that other value-based norm systems govern our actions. In this way, soft norm governance also reaches beyond the scope of the law. The theoretical framework is metagovernance, the idea that the modern state is steering at a distance and with subtle methods, such as by organizational measures. It opens for the importance of soft law, social norms and ethics in governmental steering. The case study of the veterans policy and medal of courage contributes empirically to the specification of these theories. Furthermore, new institutionalism adds an explanatory value with a rationality of action for the officials, a so-called logic of appropriateness based on the professional role and on adaptation to the situation at hand and to applicable rules. Theoretically, the thesis contributes by supplementing with a logic of values, which takes into account the profession's ethical and moral rationality of action, which is particularly important in situations such as armed conflict. The methodological approach combines a structural statistical perspective with a qualitative and understanding-oriented perspective and can, with the support of the analytical model, illuminate both pattern and function. The material base is a total selection from the medal preparation of eight contingents in Afghanistan during the years 2008-2012, i.e. FS16-FS23. It consists of the archive material from the nominations as well as in-depth interviews with responsible commanders at the international units and at the national headquarters, including the Commander-in-Chief.