"Autonomy" derives from the Greek autonomia, which combined the Greek words for "self" and "law". To be autonomous, then, is to be self-governing. When the Greeks used the word, according to POHLMANN, they were typically referring to a self-governing political unit, notably the citystate. He points out, however, that Sophocles also used the term in the Chorus's description of the character of Antigone (Antigone, line 821). The term is still used to characterize both persons and political units, although analyses of the concept now tend to focus on personal autonomy.
In this paper, it is pointed out that from the time immemorial man is searching ways and means for autonomy, maybe in such matters as spiritual, political, social reformation, discoveries, invention, etc. Autonomy in education is expected to achieve autonomy in other areas of real-life, worldly affairs. In India, the buzz word since the last two decades is autonomy in higher education. We have several models in higher education found and established in Post Graduate (PG) programmes of University, Indian Institute of Technology ( IIT) or Indian Institute of Management ( IIM). These institutions one-way or the other imbibe some elements of autonomy in education. A brief literature review presents some concepts of autonomy and their scope of implementation as perceived worldwide. It is pointed out that the concept of autonomy is being tried out since many decades and researchers have made some proposals to have a better perception of autonomy. An overview of autonomy in higher education in India is presented, as viewed either by UGC or Vice-Chancellors. The author has proposed that a teacher (referred to as a roaming university) is the first link in education chain to be autonomous in a real sense followed by autonomy at such levels as university/institution, management, regulatory bodies, and then at the national level. The author has made some suggestions for each level for inculcating autonomy. For instance, some suggestions are clear national policy, least regulations, reformulation of laws, autonomous management, autonomous institutions awarding degrees, five years teacher's tenure, lean system, etc. The article will be of interest to all autonomous personnel concerned.
This essay discusses two contributions of the principle of sufficient autonomy to educational justice. In Just Enough, Liam Shields criticizes instrumental accounts of autonomy. According to these accounts, autonomy is valuable insofar as it contributes to well-being. Shields argues that instrumental arguments fail to support mandatory autonomy education in all cases, while his non-instrumental principle of sufficient autonomy does support this. This essay develops a version of the instrumental argument and argues this version can do the work of supporting mandatory autonomy education. Another contribution of the principle of sufficient autonomy is the requirement of talents discovery. According to Shields, the requirement of talents discovery renders Rawls's principle of fair equality of opportunity more plausible, since one's chances of accessing a given economic position depend on one's opportunities to discover one's innate talents. This essay argues that Rawlsian fair equality of opportunity does not have the same implications as the principle of sufficient autonomy as to which types of talents should be discovered and to what extent.
This paper explores the emergence of conflict between the Miskito and the Nicaraguan Sandinista government in the early years after the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship. Outlining the polarisation of the debate in the late 1980s between supporters and opponents of the Sandinistas and their views of its revolutionary project and noting the lack of agency attributed to the Miskito themselves in these arguments, the article rejects arguments centred around race or ideology as an explanation for the conflict. Instead, use is made of Kate Crehan's development of Gramscian analysis to explore the contrasting meanings ascribed to notions of territoriality and autonomy in public statements by Miskito and Sandinista leadership in the early 1980s.
El siguiente artículo reconstruye la experiencia de lucha de lxs obreros de Cerámica Zanón en el camino hacia la actual autogestión obrera, bajo el nombre de FASINPAT (fábrica sin patrones). Tratamos de mostrar cómo es posible que, en instancias colectivas, los obreros establezcan sus propias normas y reglamentaciones, sus definiciones políticas, y alcancen cierto control del proceso de trabajo, avanzando hacia un cuestionamiento de los resortes del poder social en el actual sistema capitalista. Este proceso de construcción de una autonomía obrera es lento y contradictorio: incorpora al repertorio de lucha herramientas como la ocupación fabril y al mismo tiempo establece la legalidad que la sustente; inicia la puesta en producción bajo criterios igualitarios al tiempo que el Estado intercede regulando su actividad y resignifica la idea original de "fábricas recuperadas", entre otros aspectos que se desarrollan cronológicamente. Por último, se plantean los desafíos actuales de esta experiencia obrera: la extensión del modelo hacia otras fábricas, la continuidad de la participación política de los obreros en el parlamento, y la supervivencia en un contexto político y económico adverso. ; The following article reconstruct the experience of struggle of the workers of Cerámica Zanón on the way to the current workers' self-management, under the name of FASINPAT (factory without bosses). We try to show how it is possible that, in collective instances, the workers establish their own rules and regulations, their own political definitions, and achieve a certain control of the work process, moving towards a questioning of the levers of social power in the current capitalist system. This process of building workers' autonomy is slow and contradictory: it incorporates tools such as factory occupation into the repertoire of struggle and at the same time establishes the legality that sustains it; it initiates the start-up of production under egalitarian criteria while the state intervenes by regulating its activity and resignifies the original idea of "recovered factories", among other aspects that are developed chronologically. Finally, the current challenges of this workers' experience are discussed: the extension of the model to other factories, the continuity of the workers' political participation in parliament, and their survival in an adverse political and economic context. ; O artigo seguinte reconstrói a experiência de luta dos trabalhadores da Cerámica Zanón no caminho para a atual autogestão dos trabalhadores, sob o nome de FASINPAT (fábrica sem patrões). Tentamos mostrar como é possível que, em instâncias coletivas, os trabalhadores estabeleçam suas próprias regras e regulamentos, suas próprias definições políticas, e alcancem um certo controle do processo de trabalho, caminhando para um questionamento das alavancas do poder social no atual sistema capitalista. Este processo de construção da autonomia dos trabalhadores é lento e contraditório: incorpora ferramentas como a ocupação de fábricas no repertório de luta e ao mesmo tempo estabelece a legalidade que a sustenta; inicia o início da produção sob critérios igualitários enquanto o Estado intervém regulando sua atividade e resigna a idéia original de "fábricas recuperadas", entre outros aspectos que são desenvolvidos cronologicamente. Finalmente, são discutidos os desafios atuais desta experiência dos trabalhadores: a extensão do modelo a outras fábricas, a continuidade da participação política dos trabalhadores no parlamento e sua sobrevivência em um contexto político e econômico adverso.
This paper summarizes the findings of a research project conducted on the development of autonomy in foreign language teaching programs in two Olombian universities. ; This paper summarizes the findings of a research project conducted on the development of autonomy in foreign language teaching programs in two Colombian universities. This project can be seen as an outcome of an overall project (COFE Project), supported by the British and Colombian governments in which twenty-six other universities participated. The aim of the COFE project was to improve the quality of pre-service English language teaching programs (Licenciaturas) by qualifying teacher educators and promoting learner autonomy through the donation of resources centers.
The following article engages in an attempt to review and further explore the notion of autonomy in Thucydides, which is described by scholars as different from freedom, eleutheria, and as primarily assigned to the interests of a weaker state that is trying to exert its independence. Without rejecting the relational aspect of the notion of autonomy, the article argues further on autonomy's internal aspect, ultimately trying to prove how autonomy in Thucydides is moreover presented as an automatic habit and a behavioral pattern that reflects a restrictive, political and artificial perspective of external superior powers.
This paper is one result of a "fieldwork" during a so-far 3 years long experience living in neorural communities in Barcelona, as part of the squat movement, and in the catalan Pyrenees. The only scientific evidence is that neorural people can live with an average of around 200 euros per month in Collserola, the natural park of Barcelona. The paper develops from a question: how is a neorural oikonomy2 originally conceived (discourse) and then materialized -by looking at a real indicator like Time, which is also easily comparable in money-time?
Kent Greenawalt claims that one rationale for nonestablishment of religion is personal autonomy. If, however, the law is barred from manipulating people in religious directions (and thus violating their autonomy), while it remains free to manipulate them in nonreligious directions (and thus violate their autonomy in exactly the same way), autonomy as such is not what is being protected. The most promising alternative is to understand religion as a distinctive human good that is being protected from government interference.
Gender Equality is an overarching topic that America has been fighting for since 1848, and while some things have been addressed, others such as bodily integrity and bodily autonomy have not. The United States Constitution does not contain any specific provisions regarding the rights one has with respect to one's physical body or the specific extent to which the state can act upon bodies. The topics of Abortion, Tubal ligation, among many other rising issues are not allowing women to have full bodily autonomy. We plan to implement an idea that will resurface as a bill, and then later a law that states women have full say over their bodily autonomy - meaning no one other than the woman herself can decide what is best when it comes to her body. As of right now, the government cannot force you to give blood or bone marrow to someone else, even to save the life of a baby. You cannot take organs from a dead person without their express prior consent, no matter how many lives it might save to do so. This is considered informed consent, and it protects all people from being forced to give their bodies to someone else. However, the ongoing issue is the restrictions placed on women when it comes to having their bodies for themselves. This bill will explain that under the law, like the informed consent law, women cannot and will not be forced to do anything they do not wish when it comes to bodily autonomy. This includes allowing abortions and allowing women to have tubal ligation without their husband's consent. We wish to end the struggle for women's rights that has been occurring since 1848.
Local government is the authority of the autonomous regions to organize and manage the interests of local people according to their own initiative based on community aspirations in accordance with the laws and regulations. In response to the demands of government reform quite quickly, it has undertaken a sufficiently fundamental breakthrough of the various laws in the political field from the centralist-autoritarian to the autonomous-democratic. After successfully compiling the three laws on the political field that became the basis of the election in 1999 the government immediately followed him with a new law in the field of special politics on power relations between the central and local, namely Law no. 22 of 1999 on Regional Government and Law No. 25 of 1999 on Financial Relations between Central and Regional. The formation of regions is basically intended to improve public services in order to accelerate the realization of community welfare as well as political education at the local level. Considerations and other conditions that enable the area to organize and realize the purpose of the establishment of the region and the granting of regional autonomy. The Government may designate special areas in the autonomous regions to carry out specific government functions that are specific to national and / or national-scale interests "special" for the interests and benefit of Indonesia. One of these special autonomous regions is the Special Region of Yogyakarta that has been recognized special autonomous region in Law No.13 of 2012 on the privilege of Yogyakarta.
Local government is the authority of the autonomous regions to organize and manage the interests of local people according to their own initiative based on community aspirations in accordance with the laws and regulations. In response to the demands of government reform quite quickly, it has undertaken a sufficiently fundamental breakthrough of the various laws in the political field from the centralist-autoritarian to the autonomous-democratic. After successfully compiling the three laws on the political field that became the basis of the election in 1999 the government immediately followed him with a new law in the field of special politics on power relations between the central and local, namely Law no. 22 of 1999 on Regional Government and Law No. 25 of 1999 on Financial Relations between Central and Regional. The formation of regions is basically intended to improve public services in order to accelerate the realization of community welfare as well as political education at the local level. Considerations and other conditions that enable the area to organize and realize the purpose of the establishment of the region and the granting of regional autonomy. The Government may designate special areas in the autonomous regions to carry out specific government functions that are specific to national and / or national-scale interests "special" for the interests and benefit of Indonesia. One of these special autonomous regions is the Special Region of Yogyakarta that has been recognized special autonomous region in Law No.13 of 2012 on the privilege of Yogyakarta.
This paper argues that the core principle of bioethics, autonomy, is rooted both in the 20th century history of the development of new medical technologies as in political liberalism transferred to medical practices, rendering the medical decision-making of patients a centerpiece of medical interventions. The paper shows how the ambiguity in the interpretation of autonomy reflects the ambivalence of bioethics towards making normative claims on the moral agents insofar as these go beyond the respect for a patient's autonomy. In the second part, the paper analyzes the alternative approach of care ethics, which intends to emphasize both the vulnerability and dependency of the patient and the medical professions' responsibility to care for the patient. However, neither 'autonomy' nor 'care' ethics approaches can address the social and institutional mediations of today's health care ethics; the paper therefore concludes with a proposal to embrace a critical social-ethical approach to bioethics that is based on the tradition of human rights.
In the last years the debate related to people autonomy has been investigated in different fields of research and experimentation, starting from the relationship between personal autonomy and well-being, the ability to make decisions freely, the affirmation of one's right of choice, (the right to political participation, access to justice or the right to have a family) for the self-determination development (i.e. legal capacity), but at the same time "autonomy" can be interpreted as a complex result of human relationships, strengthening interaction and opportunity. This is valid for everyone, regardless of their health condition or functional limitations; in fact, no human being can be considered completely "autonomous" since everyone acts in a condition of interdependence with others to varying degrees. This last aspect is particularly significant for people with disabilities, because it affects their active involvement in the life of the community in which they live, and their ability to lead an independent life. The concept of independent living was introduced in the Article 19 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and it is therefore closely connected to the citizen's rights of disabled persons. The World Bank (WB) and the World Health Organization (WHO) estimate that a billion disabled people in the world face some barriers in the inclusion in many vital sectors, such as mobility, job, education, or simply in being socially or politically involved during their everyday life. However, the right to actively participate in the public life and reduce disparities are core elements of a stable democracy. Accessibility is intended as empowerment, meaning the individual and collective awareness of the right to access goods or services within one's own community.
This article examines whether autonomy as an educational aim should be defended at the global scale. It begins by identifying the normative issues at stake in global autonomy education by distinguishing them from the problems of autonomy education in multicultural nation-states. The article then explains why a planet-wide expansion of the ideal of autonomy is conceivable on the condition that the concept of autonomy is widened in a way that renders its precise meaning flexibly adjustable to a variety of distinct social and cultural contexts. A context-transcendent, core meaning of autonomy remains in place, however, according to which a person is only autonomous if she relates to the values and goals that direct her life in a way so that she sees them as her own and is able to identify and critically assess her principal reasons for action. Finally, the article addresses two challenges to the global expansion of autonomy education: the objection that autonomy is presently not the most important educational aim and the objection that global autonomy education is a form of cultural imperialism. It finds both objections wanting.
