Suchergebnisse

This essay discusses two contributions of the principle of sufficient autonomy to educational justice. In Just Enough, Liam Shields criticizes instrumental accounts of autonomy. According to these accounts, autonomy is valuable insofar as it contributes to well-being. Shields argues that instrumental arguments fail to support mandatory autonomy education in all cases, while his non-instrumental principle of sufficient autonomy does support this. This essay develops a version of the instrumental argument and argues this version can do the work of supporting mandatory autonomy education. Another contribution of the principle of sufficient autonomy is the requirement of talents discovery. According to Shields, the requirement of talents discovery renders Rawls's principle of fair equality of opportunity more plausible, since one's chances of accessing a given economic position depend on one's opportunities to discover one's innate talents. This essay argues that Rawlsian fair equality of opportunity does not have the same implications as the principle of sufficient autonomy as to which types of talents should be discovered and to what extent.

Jeremy Waldron has recently raised the question of whether there is anything approximating the creative self-authorship of personal autonomy in the writings of Immanuel Kant. After considering the possibility that Kantian prudential reasoning might serve as a conception of personal autonomy, I argue that the elements of a more suitable conception can be found in Kant's Tugendlehre, or "Doctrine of Virtue"—specifically, in the imperfect duties of self-perfection and the practical love of others. This discovery is important for at least three reasons: first, it elucidates the relationship among the various conceptions of autonomy employed by personal-autonomy theorists and contemporary Kantians; second, it brings to the surface previously unnoticed or undernoticed features of Kant's moral theory; and third, it provides an essential line of defense against certain critiques of contemporary Kantian theories, especially that of John Rawls.

This paper explores the emergence of conflict between the Miskito and the Nicaraguan Sandinista government in the early years after the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship. Outlining the polarisation of the debate in the late 1980s between supporters and opponents of the Sandinistas and their views of its revolutionary project and noting the lack of agency attributed to the Miskito themselves in these arguments, the article rejects arguments centred around race or ideology as an explanation for the conflict. Instead, use is made of Kate Crehan's development of Gramscian analysis to explore the contrasting meanings ascribed to notions of territoriality and autonomy in public statements by Miskito and Sandinista leadership in the early 1980s.

Concerns the foundations and implications of a particular form of liberal political theory. This title argues that one should see liberalism as a political theory committed to the value of autonomy.

El siguiente artículo reconstruye la experiencia de lucha de lxs obreros de Cerámica Zanón en el camino hacia la actual autogestión obrera, bajo el nombre de FASINPAT (fábrica sin patrones). Tratamos de mostrar cómo es posible que, en instancias colectivas, los obreros establezcan sus propias normas y reglamentaciones, sus definiciones políticas, y alcancen cierto control del proceso de trabajo, avanzando hacia un cuestionamiento de los resortes del poder social en el actual sistema capitalista. Este proceso de construcción de una autonomía obrera es lento y contradictorio: incorpora al repertorio de lucha herramientas como la ocupación fabril y al mismo tiempo establece la legalidad que la sustente; inicia la puesta en producción bajo criterios igualitarios al tiempo que el Estado intercede regulando su actividad y resignifica la idea original de "fábricas recuperadas", entre otros aspectos que se desarrollan cronológicamente. Por último, se plantean los desafíos actuales de esta experiencia obrera: la extensión del modelo hacia otras fábricas, la continuidad de la participación política de los obreros en el parlamento, y la supervivencia en un contexto político y económico adverso. ; The following article reconstruct the experience of struggle of the workers of Cerámica Zanón on the way to the current workers' self-management, under the name of FASINPAT (factory without bosses). We try to show how it is possible that, in collective instances, the workers establish their own rules and regulations, their own political definitions, and achieve a certain control of the work process, moving towards a questioning of the levers of social power in the current capitalist system. This process of building workers' autonomy is slow and contradictory: it incorporates tools such as factory occupation into the repertoire of struggle and at the same time establishes the legality that sustains it; it initiates the start-up of production under egalitarian criteria while the state intervenes by regulating its activity and resignifies the original idea of "recovered factories", among other aspects that are developed chronologically. Finally, the current challenges of this workers' experience are discussed: the extension of the model to other factories, the continuity of the workers' political participation in parliament, and their survival in an adverse political and economic context. ; O artigo seguinte reconstrói a experiência de luta dos trabalhadores da Cerámica Zanón no caminho para a atual autogestão dos trabalhadores, sob o nome de FASINPAT (fábrica sem patrões). Tentamos mostrar como é possível que, em instâncias coletivas, os trabalhadores estabeleçam suas próprias regras e regulamentos, suas próprias definições políticas, e alcancem um certo controle do processo de trabalho, caminhando para um questionamento das alavancas do poder social no atual sistema capitalista. Este processo de construção da autonomia dos trabalhadores é lento e contraditório: incorpora ferramentas como a ocupação de fábricas no repertório de luta e ao mesmo tempo estabelece a legalidade que a sustenta; inicia o início da produção sob critérios igualitários enquanto o Estado intervém regulando sua atividade e resigna a idéia original de "fábricas recuperadas", entre outros aspectos que são desenvolvidos cronologicamente. Finalmente, são discutidos os desafios atuais desta experiência dos trabalhadores: a extensão do modelo a outras fábricas, a continuidade da participação política dos trabalhadores no parlamento e sua sobrevivência em um contexto político e econômico adverso.