Suchergebnisse

Abstract
While the issue of the Szekler autonomy has attracted considerable tabloid interest in the past two decades, it is rarely addressed in more systematic, scholarly accounts available for a wider international audience. The political project of achieving some form of autonomy has been on the agenda of several political actors speaking in the name of Romania's sizeable Hungarian minority after 1989 and constitutes the object of heated debate between those actors and authorities of the Romanian state. In 2020 this debate recorded a peak which will seemingly require a new approach on behalf of protagonists, if the project is meant to be kept alive. This paper aims to fill some of the above-mentioned scholarly gap by providing an account of the parliamentary reception of the draft autonomy conceptions submitted by ethnic Hungarian politicians to Romania's parliament in the three decades that passed since the regime change. Based on a content analysis of documents produced during the legislative process, we identify the most important arguments, as well as a number of procedural tricks deployed by Romanian politicians and political parties against the autonomy initiatives. We also emphasize the differences between the reception and trajectories of the bills, which is clearly related to the authorship and political backing of the various autonomy drafts. This comparative analysis also allows the formulation of a number of conclusions concerning the prospects of the Hungarian autonomy movement.

The Zapatista autonomy movement in Chiapas, Mexico, is a significant example of rising social-movement resistance to neoliberalism. The neoliberal project in Latin America since the 1980s has led to a retrenchment of the state, opening new space for social movements to contest power from below. In Mexico, the weakening of corporatist and clientelist mechanisms once controlled by the party-state allowed groups like the Zapatistas to assert rights based on both collective (ethnic) identity and Mexican national citizenship. An examination of the Zapatista autonomy movement since 1994 suggests several dilemmas: (1) A territorially based model of autonomy as administrative decentralization would not fundamentally alter existing political hierarchies or the role of the state as broker for global capital. (2) Autonomy conceived as mere disengagement would leave autonomous communities cut off from resources and unprotected from the forces of the global market. (3) Autonomy defined as simply cultural pluralism falls into the neoliberal "multiculturalism trap" of atomizing communities, substituting formal "equality" for the power to establish collective identities and demand substantive rights. The Zapatistas have maneuvered around counterinsurgency and co-optation through a flexible, community-based model of autonomy, shifting in 2003 to a model of regional Juntas de Buen Gobierno with rotating representatives to integrate the resistance. The experiment holds lessons for other social movements in Latin America struggling to preserve grassroots decision making in opposition to the logic of global capital.

How is it possible that breakaway regimes have survived in parts of the former Soviet Union for more than a decade? The leaders of these autonomy movements claim to defend an ethnic or regional identity, but are they in favor of self-government or simply hanging on to the status that gives them their basis for wealth & Power? This article coins the expression 'selfish determination' & looks at one of the most salient challenges in contemporary ethnopolitics, namely the fusion of greed & grievance in so-called ethnic conflicts. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

Soon after independence, India's northeastern region was swamped in a series of conflicts starting with the Naga secessionist movement in the 1950s, followed by others in the 1960s. The conflicts intensified and engulfed the entire region in the 1970s and 1980s. However, in the 1990s, following reclamation of ethnic identities amid gnawing scarcities, the conflicts slowly turned into internal feuds. Consequently, alliance and re-alliance among the ethnic groups transpired. In the 2000s, it finally led to the balkanization of ethnicity-based autonomy movements in the region. Unfortunately, the state's ad-hoc measures failed to contain protected conflicts and, instead, compounded the situation and swelled hybrid ethnic identities.

Since the 1960s, Manipur has been plagued by Meitei secessionist movements demanding/striving for independence from India. However, in the 1990s, following the upsurge of Naga ethnicity-based autonomy movement within the state and its counter movements by other groups, the secessionist movement was embroiled in internal feuds. In this process, grouping and regrouping of tribal communities had taken place, impinged by the predatory elites for their political and economic interests. Unfortunately, the state's interventions failed to contain protracted conflicts; they rather compounded the situation, gave rise to hybrid ethnic identities and led to the recurrence of demands for internal autonomy.

Les mayas qui vivent dans les hauteurs de l'ouest de Chiapas du Mexique son entrain de négocier une nouvelle relation avec le gouvernement de cette nation. Cette communauté tente de faire valoir son autonomie principalement dans les régions où elle est majoritaire et s'oppose à toutes formes de paternalisme de développement et de répression au sein de cette même nation qui a essayé d'éradiquer leur culture. Dans cet article j'explore comment le mouvement qui lutte pour son autonomie en se basant sur les normes collectives de la culture maya comme les plus fortes durant la révolution Mexicaine de 1910-1917, ces normes favorisaient aux entrepreneurs à cause de sa biodiversité minérale, aquifère, et génétique. Les stratégies de l'implantation de l'autonomie appliquée dans les différents secteurs de la région des communes indigènes et des organisations paysannes présentent des modèles dont l'objectif est de créer des institutions pour participer dans des actions nationales et globales. Les différences de genre dans toutes ces actions ont une influence sur l'interprétation de l'autonomie selon la tradition de communautés déclarées autonomes. A partir d'une comparaison de ces pratiques venant de différente partie de Chiapas, j'essaie de démontrer dans un cadre général les conséquences de cette influence dans un model comme un alternatif de l'existence pluriculturelle.

In comparative works on nationalism, Latin America is usually portrayed as a world region that is devoid of nationalist and separatist movements, while in Europe nationalist movements seeking greater self-determination or separate statehood can be easily observed. This article takes a different perspective. Applying the concept of territorial autonomy movements, it pursues a cross-regional comparison of Santa Cruz in Bolivia, Guayas in Ecuador, and Catalonia in Spain to show that movements strikingly similar with regards to their core claims, diagnostic frames, and tactics do in fact exist across the Iberian world. The chapter then draws on social movement theory to account for the recent intensification of territorial autonomy mobilizations in these cases. We argue that in all three substate units (1) threats of political exclusion emanating from contestations over established power-sharing arrangements triggered territorial grievances; (2) the formation of dense associational networks and new alliances with subnational party and state representatives enhanced the organizational resources of territorial challengers; and (3) broader protest cycles, and their concern with direct democracy and/or multicultural group rights, provided territorial challengers with new framing strategies to justify their demands.