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During the Cold War the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was almost uncontested in its foreign policy role, a position that has become challenged since the 1990's due to the internationalization, globalization and europeanization of the world. In its European policy the ministry is challenged by business, non-profit organizations, political parties and regional/local governments. Due to Norway's role in peace operations, the foreign policy leeway of NGOs and the Norwegian Ministry of Development Cooperation has grown, and in addition the Norwegian Ministry of Defence has taken a stronger foreign policy position. All of these events have reduced the political power of the Norwegian foreign ministers, who have largely responded by emphasizing their role in the bigger picture of promoting security and peace throughout the world. Adapted from the source document.

Written before the anti-drug war was launched, the article reviews the history of the coca leaf, assesses the impact of cocaine on the economies of Bolivia, Colombia and Peru, discusses the alleged entanglement of leftist guerrilla groups in the drug trade, and points to the dire consequences to coca cultivators, should they be forced out of business

The Kyoto Protocol is likely to give only minor environmental benefits. One important reason is that the industrial economies in transition to market economies have assigned amounts (national emission quotas) that do not reflect that these countries have experienced large emission reductions after the collapse of the communist regimes. These countries consequently have assigned amounts that probably will be considerably larger than their business-as-usual emissions in the commitment period. Hence, these countries will probably be able to sell emission permits on a large scale without carrying out abatement domestically. There are signs that Russia will ratify the Kyoto Protocol. Nevertheless, after the US withdrawal the Protocol is likely to give rise only to small emission reductions. The article sheds light on the consequences of implementation, & discusses what should be the next step forward in the international climate negotiations. The article concludes that an increased degree of realism is necessary with respect to the limitations & potentials of the Kyoto Protocol. Increased attention should be given to other proposed concepts for climate agreements. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 37 References. Adapted from the source document.

This special issue of FormAkademisk is a product of the lighthouse project Didaktikk for teknologi, design og innovasjon (2016–2020) (Education for technology, design and innovation), which is funded by the Faculty of Technology, Art and Design (TKD) at Oslo Metropolitan University (OsloMet) and lead by Liv Merete Nielsen. The project is a contribution to the realisation of the government's long-term (2019–2028) plan for research and higher education (Kunnskapsdepartementet, 2018). The government's plans include renewing, restructuring and boosting the technology of the business community and improving quality in higher education, and the lighthouse project helps to achieve these goals, because the key to new practice lies in education. ; Dette temanummeret av FormAkademisk er et resultat av fyrtårnsprosjektet Didaktikk for teknologi, design og innovasjon (2016-2020) som er finansiert av Fakultet for Teknologi, kunst og design (TKD) ved OsloMet–storbyuniversitetet og ledet av Liv Merete Nielsen. Prosjektet er et bidrag til realiseringen av regjeringens langtidsplan for forskning og høyere utdanning 2019–2028 (Kunnskapsdepartementet, 2018). Regjeringens opp­trappings­­planer inkluderer et teknologiløft, fornyelse og omstilling av nærings­livet og styrking av kvalitet i høyere utdanning. Fyrtårns­­prosjektet har som mål å bidra til å nå disse målene, fordi nøkkelen til ny praksis ligger i utdanning.

The Arctic region has attracted the interest of Arctic and non-Arctic states, as well as non-state actors, for decades. Corresponding with the growing attraction towards the region, the number of conferences attending to Arctic issues has expanded. This article provides an historical mapping of the Arctic conference sphere, and demonstrates how the establishment of Arctic conferences has both paralleled central events in Arctic affairs and can be linked to important international developments. Firstly, there is a notable peak conforming with the "second state change" in 2005, brought about by developments opening the Arctic to global concerns: the impacts of climate change and the spread of the socio-economic effects from globalization to the Arctic. Secondly, the expanding number of conferences around 2013 can be seen in relation to the growing interest in the region from non-Arctic states. As such, this article builds the argument for conferences as a central element within the Arctic governance architecture, creating linkages among units in the regime complex. The article devotes particular attention towards the two largest international conferences on Arctic issues – Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly – to illustrate how the necessity for hybrid policy-science-business conferences arose from a more complex governance system, and challenges requiring cross-sectoral, interdisciplinary, and international collaboration.

Draws on the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) to analyze the political economy of the new regionalism in southern Africa in the post-Cold War & postapartheid era. The NRA challenges much of conventional wisdom in the field, which is seen as narrowly focused on intergovernmental regional organizations & intraregional trade. The analysis identifies four main types of regionalism in southern Africa, which to a large extent occur within the larger context of economic globalization, neoliberalism, & the retreat of the state: (1) open regionalism, (2) microregionalism, (3) private firms led regionalism, & (4) informal regionalism from below. Both open regionalism & microregionalism (as built around the concept of spatial development initiatives) seek to reinforce economic globalization & market integration, & attract foreign direct investment to bankable private investment projects. Together with the firms driven regionalism, which is constructed by & around large South African business enterprises, these three types of regionalism sustain a particular pattern of elite driven regionalism centered on economic growth, trade, & capital intensive projects in the formal economy, with little focus on development & poverty reduction. To a large extent, the myriad of activities included in informal regionalism from below emerges as a consequence of the negative & exclusionary effects of neoliberalism & the three types of elite driven regionalism. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.