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The Bahá'ís of Iran concerns the Iranian Bahá'í situation since the Islamic revolution in lran in 1979-1980. This article begins with a brief résumé of events in 1980 and 1981 which led to the Canadian Bahá'í community becoming involved in the private sponsorship of refugees. This article then discusses the Canadian Bahá'í refugee program of the 1980s, including the relationship of the Bahá'í community of Canada with the Canadian government and the growth of the initially national program into one of global proportions. Reasons for the persecution of Bahá'ís in Iran are explained, as is the nature of the persecution. In the 1991 secret Government memorandum the Bahá'í Question is noted, and details are provided regarding last autumn's raids on homes involved with the Bahá'í Institute for Higher Education. The reader is then brought up to date regarding the current private sponsorship of refugees by the Bahá'í Community of Canada. This article concludes with a short comment regarding remedies. ; Les Baha'is d'Iran examine la situation des Baha'is en Iran depuis la révolution islamique de 1979-80 dans ce pays. Cet article commence par donner un bref aperçu des événements survenus en 1980 et 1981, et qui amenèrent la communauté baha''ie canadienne à s'engager dans la voie du parrainage privé de réfugiés. L'article examine ensuite le programme Canadien baha'ie de parrainage de réfugiés des années 80, y compris les relations de la communauté baha'ie canadienne avec le gouvernement canadien et la manière dont un programme, qui avait débuté au niveau national, a fini par prendre des proportions globales. Les raisons derrière la persécution des Baha'is en Iran sont expliquées, ainsi que la nature de ces persécutions. La mention de la Question baha'ie dans le mémorandum secret du gouvernement de 1991 est notée, et des détails sont donnés sur les descentes des lieux qui ont eu lieu à l'automne dernier chez des familles associées à l'Institut baha'ie d'éducation supérieure. Enfin, les informations les plus récentes sur le ...

Introduction / Dominic Parviz Brookshaw and Seena B. Fazel -- Messianic expectation and evolving identities : the conversion of Iranian Jews to the Baha'i Faith / Mehrdad Amanat -- The conversion of Zoroastrians to the Baha'i faith / Fereydun Vahman -- Instructive encouragement : the tablets of Baha'ullah and 'Abdu'l-Baha to Baha'i women in Iran and India / Dominic Parviz Brookshaw -- Baha'i schools in Iran / Moojan Momen -- Baha'i health initiatives in Iran : a preliminary survey / Seena B. Fazel and Minou Foadi -- Baha'i discourses on the Constitutional Revolution / Kavian S. Milani -- The comparative dimension of the Baha'i case and prospects for change in the future / Eliz Sanasarian -- The historical roots of the persecution of Babis and Baha'is in Iran / Abbas Amanat -- Anatomy of prejudice : reflections on secular anti-Baha'ism in Iran / H. E. Chehabi -- Anti-Baha'ism and Islamism in Iran / Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi -- The discourse and practice of human rights violations of Iranian Baha'is in The Islamic Republic of Iran / Reza Afshari

Since the inception of the Baha'ism as an independent faith in Persia, its adherents came under attack from the religious clergy which perceived the growing popularity of this new faith as a threat to their monopolistic position in the society. Education and economy were the two dominant fields where the Baha'is prospered in pre-revolution Iran, thereby contributing to the modernization of Persia. However, being a post-Abrahamic faith in its origin, the Islamic clergy viewed the Baha'is as apostates and an enemy of Islam, which led to the persistent targeting and attacks on the Baha'is over the faith's origin and as an essentially incompatible and contradictory disposition in the Baha'i– ulema relations. While the pre-revolution Iran show an ulema–monarchy convergence in their attack on the Baha'is, the post-revolution Iran witnessed the same through consolidation of state– ulema powers in the form of the new Islamic Republic. The discrimination and persecutions of the Baha'is in the post-1979 Iran increased considerably, and one can witness a deviation of the homogenous perception on the Baha'is by the religious clergy class. The conservative reformist faction of the ulema has given rise to newer and opposing perspectives on the Baha'is, the largest non-recognized religious minority in Iran.

This article discusses the socialist involvement of three of Canada's earliest Bahá'ís, namely Paul Kingston Dealy, Honoré Jaxon, and Rose Henderson. Given that the Bahá'í Faith had an authentic interest in economic and social justice from its earliest days, a number of these early Bahá'ís were involved in socialism. This paper seeks to explain such an engagement despite the Bahá'í proscription of involvement in partisan politics. Because of the paucity of Bahá'í core writings until the early 1920s, a number of early Bahá'ís fit what they perceived to be Bahá'í teachings to their personal views, which led a number of them to engage in political activism. These views stand in sharp contrast to the Bahá'í teachings forbidding such involvement. Moreover, the porous membership boundaries in the early days of the Bahá'í community did not allow members to be consistent about criteria of Bahá'í membership. However, by the 1920s, membership in the Bahá'í community had become formalized and the prohibition against engaging in political affairs became a sine qua non for such membership. As a result, these early Bahá'ís either formally relinquished their membership or withdrew from active participation. At the current time, the Bahá'í Community of Canada numbers approximately 33,000 adherents. It is a religion that was founded in 1844.

This article discusses the socialist involvement of three of Canada's earliest Bahá'ís, namely Paul Kingston Dealy, Honoré Jaxon, and Rose Henderson. Given that the Bahá'í Faith had an authentic interest in economic and social justice from its earliest days, a number of these early Bahá'ís were involved in socialism. This paper seeks to explain such an engagement despite the Bahá'í proscription of involvement in partisan politics. Because of the paucity of Bahá'í core writings until the early 1920s, a number of early Bahá'ís fit what they perceived to be Bahá'í teachings to their personal views, which led a number of them to engage in political activism. These views stand in sharp contrast to the Bahá'í teachings forbidding such involvement. Moreover, the porous membership boundaries in the early days of the Bahá'í community did not allow members to be consistent about criteria of Bahá'í membership. However, by the 1920s, membership in the Bahá'í community had become formalized and the prohibition against engaging in political affairs became a sine qua non for such membership. As a result, these early Bahá'ís either formally relinquished their membership or withdrew from active participation. At the current time, the Bahá'í Community of Canada numbers approximately 33,000 adherents. It is a religion that was founded in 1844.

This book provides the first comprehensive assessment of the contribution of the United Nations to the human rights situation of the Bahá'ís in Iran. It does this by examining the theoretical, legal, institutional and political dimensions of this issue in detail. The situation of the Bahá'í community in Iran between 1979 and 2002 provides a particularly good test case for the international community due to its clarity. By giving attention to a singular case within a discrete time frame, this book is able to effectively examine the impact of UN human rights protection. Attention is given in this study to the clash between religion and human rights, the protection of freedom of religion or belief in international law, the workings of UN human rights charter-based and treaty bodies and their various mechanisms, and recommendations for the resolution of the Bahá'í human rights situation in Iran

This article first provides a survey of the history of the persecution of the Baha'i community of Iran since the inception of the religion in the mid-nineteen century, and a summary of the analyses of other historians on the roots of anti-Baha'i discrimination. It then focuses on the Islamic Republic's treatment of Baha'is since 1991, the year a secret memorandum regarding "the Baha'i Question" redefined the government's previous policy of "overt" suppression to one that would be henceforth "covert." It demonstrates that the government, having learned from its experiences in the 1980s, has, since the early 1990s, carefully orchestrated and pursued plans to suppress the Baha'i community in all areas of life, in ways that have deliberately sought to generate the least amount of international outrage and sympathy as possible. It proposes that the real yet hidden root of the brutal treatment of Baha'is is the insecurity and threat the theocratic government and its clerical leadership feel about the spread of the rational, outward-looking, world-embracing and highly ethical ethos of the Baha'i Faith. ; Tras un repaso a la historia de la persecución de la comunidad bahá'í de Iran desde el inicio de la religión a mediados del siglo diecinueve, y un resumen de los análisis realizados por otros historiadores acerca de las raíces de la discriminación anti-bahá'í, este documento se centra en el trato que la República Islámioca ha dispensado a los bahá'is desde 1991, año en que un memmoràndum secreto sobre "la Cuestión Bahá'í" redefinió la política anterior del gobierno, que pasó de "abierta" supresión a una que en lo sucesivo sería "encubierta". El documento demuestra que el gobierno, después de haber aprendido de sus experiencias en la década de 1980, desde comienzos e la década de 1990 ha orquestado y seguido cuidadosamente planes para reprimir a la comunidad bahá'í en todas las facetas de la vida mediante métodos, cuyo propósito deliberado, ha consistido en generar la menor cantidad de indignación internacional y simpatía hacia los bahá'is como sea posible. Este artículo sugiere que la raíz real, aunque oculta, del brutal trato que reciben los bahá'is radica en la inseguridad y amenaza que siente el gobierno teocrático y su liderazgo clerical frente a loa propagación del espíritu racional, de mirada abierta, global y altamente ético de la fe bahá'í. ; Després de fer un repàs a la història de la persecució de la comunitat bahà'í de l'Iran des de l'inici de la religió a mitjans del segle dinou, i un resum de les anàlisis realitzades per altres historiadors sobre les arrels de la discriminació anti-bahá'í, aquest document es centra en el tracte que la República Islàmica ha dispensat als bahá'ís des de 1991, any en què un memoràndum secret sobre "la Qüestió Bahà'í" va redefinir la política anterior del govern, que va passar de "oberta" supressió a una que en endavant seria "encoberta". El document demostra que el govern, després d'haver après de les seves experiències en la dècada de 1980, des de començaments de la dècada de 1990 ha orquestrat i seguit acuradament plans per reprimir a la comunitat bahà'í en totes les facetes de la vida mitjançant mètodes, el propòsit deliberat dels quals, ha consistit a generar la menor quantitat d'indignació internacional i simpatia cap als bahà'ís com sigui possible. Aquest article suggereix que l'arrel real, encara que oculta, del brutal tracte que reben els bahà'ís radica en la inseguretat i amenaça que sent el govern teocràtic i el seu lideratge clerical enfront de la propagació de l'esperit racional, de mirada oberta, global i altament ètic de la fe bahà'í.

This article first provides a survey of the history of the persecution of the Baha'i community of Iran since the inception of the religion in the mid-nineteen century, and a summary of the analyses of other historians on the roots of anti-Baha'i discrimination. It then focuses on the Islamic Republic's treatment of Baha'is since 1991, the year a secret memorandum regarding "the Baha'i Question" redefined the government's previous policy of "overt" suppression to one that would be henceforth "covert." It demonstrates that the government, having learned from its experiences in the 1980s, has, since the early 1990s, carefully orchestrated and pursued plans to suppress the Baha'i community in all areas of life, in ways that have deliberately sought to generate the least amount of international outrage and sympathy as possible. It proposes that the real yet hidden root of the brutal treatment of Baha'is is the insecurity and threat the theocratic government and its clerical leadership feel about the spread of the rational, outward-looking, world-embracing and highly ethical ethos of the Baha'i Faith. ; Després de fer un repàs a la història de la persecució de la comunitat bahà'í de l'Iran des de l'inici de la religió a mitjans del segle dinou, i un resum de les anàlisis realitzades per altres historiadors sobre les arrels de la discriminació anti-bahá'í, aquest document es centra en el tracte que la República Islàmica ha dispensat als bahá'ís des de 1991, any en què un memoràndum secret sobre "la Qüestió Bahà'í" va redefinir la política anterior del govern, que va passar de "oberta" supressió a una que en endavant seria "encoberta". El document demostra que el govern, després d'haver après de les seves experiències en la dècada de 1980, des de començaments de la dècada de 1990 ha orquestrat i seguit acuradament plans per reprimir a la comunitat bahà'í en totes les facetes de la vida mitjançant mètodes, el propòsit deliberat dels quals, ha consistit a generar la menor quantitat d'indignació internacional i simpatia cap als bahà'ís com sigui possible. Aquest article suggereix que l'arrel real, encara que oculta, del brutal tracte que reben els bahà'ís radica en la inseguretat i amenaça que sent el govern teocràtic i el seu lideratge clerical enfront de la propagació de l'esperit racional, de mirada oberta, global i altament ètic de la fe bahà'í. ; Tras un repaso a la historia de la persecución de la comunidad bahá'í de Iran desde el inicio de la religión a mediados del siglo diecinueve, y un resumen de los análisis realizados por otros historiadores acerca de las raíces de la discriminación anti-bahá'í, este documento se centra en el trato que la República Islámioca ha dispensado a los bahá'is desde 1991, año en que un memmoràndum secreto sobre "la Cuestión Bahá'í" redefinió la política anterior del gobierno, que pasó de "abierta" supresión a una que en lo sucesivo sería "encubierta". El documento demuestra que el gobierno, después de haber aprendido de sus experiencias en la década de 1980, desde comienzos e la década de 1990 ha orquestado y seguido cuidadosamente planes para reprimir a la comunidad bahá'í en todas las facetas de la vida mediante métodos, cuyo propósito deliberado, ha consistido en generar la menor cantidad de indignación internacional y simpatía hacia los bahá'is como sea posible. Este artículo sugiere que la raíz real, aunque oculta, del brutal trato que reciben los bahá'is radica en la inseguridad y amenaza que siente el gobierno teocrático y su liderazgo clerical frente a loa propagación del espíritu racional, de mirada abierta, global y altamente ético de la fe bahá'í.