Suchergebnisse

The article furthers the research on the relation of democratizing states with their former non-democratic regimes by focusing on the situation in the Central and Eastern Europe's re-established democracies. The author utilizes his previously introduced research framework, based on the assessment (and interplay) of the type of the regime and the manner in which it ended. This serves to emphasize differences in the democratic transition of the region's states and, accordingly, the various paths chosen by new leaders in dealing with the problem of Communist party activist responsibility. The article also touches upon structural and psychological legacy of Communism. Along with glaring commonalities of the former Communist bloc, there were specific issues as well. In short, the findings reflect the following: 1 ) The transition of Hungary, in many aspects, replicates the "reforma pactada" formula. Partially, this holds true for Poland, too, but its position was complicated by limits on democratic representation set via the pact, that ring more of those achieved by military hierarchy in the event of extrication. The two states may be viewed as hardly favorable to the purge of old apparatus, despite the Poles' formal lustration laws. 2) In the Czech Republic and former East Germany (GDR), the situation became favorable to the prosecution of regime's activists, as the stagnating post-totalitarianism simply collapsed in those countries leaving a power vacuum, without a possibility to mobilize in self-defence. However, the broad range purges, that ensued in these states, much too often came in contradiction with the principles of rule of law and universal human rights. 3) The Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) did not experience direct collapse of the system, even though they also had just gone through stagnation.[.].

The article furthers the research on the relation of democratizing states with their former non-democratic regimes by focusing on the situation in the Central and Eastern Europe's re-established democracies. The author utilizes his previously introduced research framework, based on the assessment (and interplay) of the type of the regime and the manner in which it ended. This serves to emphasize differences in the democratic transition of the region's states and, accordingly, the various paths chosen by new leaders in dealing with the problem of Communist party activist responsibility. The article also touches upon structural and psychological legacy of Communism. Along with glaring commonalities of the former Communist bloc, there were specific issues as well. In short, the findings reflect the following: 1 ) The transition of Hungary, in many aspects, replicates the "reforma pactada" formula. Partially, this holds true for Poland, too, but its position was complicated by limits on democratic representation set via the pact, that ring more of those achieved by military hierarchy in the event of extrication. The two states may be viewed as hardly favorable to the purge of old apparatus, despite the Poles' formal lustration laws. 2) In the Czech Republic and former East Germany (GDR), the situation became favorable to the prosecution of regime's activists, as the stagnating post-totalitarianism simply collapsed in those countries leaving a power vacuum, without a possibility to mobilize in self-defence. However, the broad range purges, that ensued in these states, much too often came in contradiction with the principles of rule of law and universal human rights. 3) The Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) did not experience direct collapse of the system, even though they also had just gone through stagnation.[.].

The article furthers the research on the relation of democratizing states with their former non-democratic regimes by focusing on the situation in the Central and Eastern Europe's re-established democracies. The author utilizes his previously introduced research framework, based on the assessment (and interplay) of the type of the regime and the manner in which it ended. This serves to emphasize differences in the democratic transition of the region's states and, accordingly, the various paths chosen by new leaders in dealing with the problem of Communist party activist responsibility. The article also touches upon structural and psychological legacy of Communism. Along with glaring commonalities of the former Communist bloc, there were specific issues as well. In short, the findings reflect the following: 1 ) The transition of Hungary, in many aspects, replicates the "reforma pactada" formula. Partially, this holds true for Poland, too, but its position was complicated by limits on democratic representation set via the pact, that ring more of those achieved by military hierarchy in the event of extrication. The two states may be viewed as hardly favorable to the purge of old apparatus, despite the Poles' formal lustration laws. 2) In the Czech Republic and former East Germany (GDR), the situation became favorable to the prosecution of regime's activists, as the stagnating post-totalitarianism simply collapsed in those countries leaving a power vacuum, without a possibility to mobilize in self-defence. However, the broad range purges, that ensued in these states, much too often came in contradiction with the principles of rule of law and universal human rights. 3) The Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) did not experience direct collapse of the system, even though they also had just gone through stagnation.[.].

The Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the Guidelines of the State Language Policy in 2003-2008 (Valstybinės kalbos politikos 2003-2008 m. gairės) prepared by the State Lithuanian Language Commission. The article considers the issue in more detail. More than once the language policy in Lithuania has been of double standard - one serving the interests of the (temporarily lost) state and the nation and the other, the official one working in the interests of the then authorities. Some manifestations of such policy have been preserved until now (cf. the English language and the European Union). The language elite can also be discussed in terms of double standard, since an aim to create the ideal language set up by the Lithuanian Language Association in 1936 seems to have been preserved until now despite the fact that the situation has changed, and a large part of the society have mastered standard Lithuanian. The Guidelines aim at increasing the language users' pride of their own language, since the success of the implementation of the language policy much depends on the language prestige. The article sets out to discuss ways of implementing the language policy in the modern democratically-minded society and accepting the role of linguists in it, the increasing role of (regional) dialects in fostering national consciousness, the relation between the language and its varieties (including regional varieties). The article focuses on the role of information technologies in promoting standard Lithuanian, implementing new instruments in language teaching and fostering its well-formedness, the importance of term data banks and other language data banks when providing information and involving the society into an active participation in their language preservation and development.

The Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the Guidelines of the State Language Policy in 2003-2008 (Valstybinės kalbos politikos 2003-2008 m. gairės) prepared by the State Lithuanian Language Commission. The article considers the issue in more detail. More than once the language policy in Lithuania has been of double standard - one serving the interests of the (temporarily lost) state and the nation and the other, the official one working in the interests of the then authorities. Some manifestations of such policy have been preserved until now (cf. the English language and the European Union). The language elite can also be discussed in terms of double standard, since an aim to create the ideal language set up by the Lithuanian Language Association in 1936 seems to have been preserved until now despite the fact that the situation has changed, and a large part of the society have mastered standard Lithuanian. The Guidelines aim at increasing the language users' pride of their own language, since the success of the implementation of the language policy much depends on the language prestige. The article sets out to discuss ways of implementing the language policy in the modern democratically-minded society and accepting the role of linguists in it, the increasing role of (regional) dialects in fostering national consciousness, the relation between the language and its varieties (including regional varieties). The article focuses on the role of information technologies in promoting standard Lithuanian, implementing new instruments in language teaching and fostering its well-formedness, the importance of term data banks and other language data banks when providing information and involving the society into an active participation in their language preservation and development.

The Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the Guidelines of the State Language Policy in 2003-2008 (Valstybinės kalbos politikos 2003-2008 m. gairės) prepared by the State Lithuanian Language Commission. The article considers the issue in more detail. More than once the language policy in Lithuania has been of double standard - one serving the interests of the (temporarily lost) state and the nation and the other, the official one working in the interests of the then authorities. Some manifestations of such policy have been preserved until now (cf. the English language and the European Union). The language elite can also be discussed in terms of double standard, since an aim to create the ideal language set up by the Lithuanian Language Association in 1936 seems to have been preserved until now despite the fact that the situation has changed, and a large part of the society have mastered standard Lithuanian. The Guidelines aim at increasing the language users' pride of their own language, since the success of the implementation of the language policy much depends on the language prestige. The article sets out to discuss ways of implementing the language policy in the modern democratically-minded society and accepting the role of linguists in it, the increasing role of (regional) dialects in fostering national consciousness, the relation between the language and its varieties (including regional varieties). The article focuses on the role of information technologies in promoting standard Lithuanian, implementing new instruments in language teaching and fostering its well-formedness, the importance of term data banks and other language data banks when providing information and involving the society into an active participation in their language preservation and development.

The Republic of Belarus is the most authoritarian state in Central and Central-Eastern Europe. The international security community identifies the threats of Aleksandr Lukashenko's regime at global and regional levels. The article analyses the problem: what are the concrete threats posed to Lithuania by the Belarusian authoritarianism? The profiles of the problem presented here - the origins of authoritarianism in Belarus, the pattern of the dependence in the relations between Belarus and Russia, the international security community and Belarus, the development of the Lithuania-Belarus relationship - make it possible to identify eventual threats to Lithuania arising within political, social, economic and ecological sectors.

The Republic of Belarus is the most authoritarian state in Central and Central-Eastern Europe. The international security community identifies the threats of Aleksandr Lukashenko's regime at global and regional levels. The article analyses the problem: what are the concrete threats posed to Lithuania by the Belarusian authoritarianism? The profiles of the problem presented here - the origins of authoritarianism in Belarus, the pattern of the dependence in the relations between Belarus and Russia, the international security community and Belarus, the development of the Lithuania-Belarus relationship - make it possible to identify eventual threats to Lithuania arising within political, social, economic and ecological sectors.

The Republic of Belarus is the most authoritarian state in Central and Central-Eastern Europe. The international security community identifies the threats of Aleksandr Lukashenko's regime at global and regional levels. The article analyses the problem: what are the concrete threats posed to Lithuania by the Belarusian authoritarianism? The profiles of the problem presented here - the origins of authoritarianism in Belarus, the pattern of the dependence in the relations between Belarus and Russia, the international security community and Belarus, the development of the Lithuania-Belarus relationship - make it possible to identify eventual threats to Lithuania arising within political, social, economic and ecological sectors.

The Republic of Belarus is the most authoritarian state in Central and Central-Eastern Europe. The international security community identifies the threats of Aleksandr Lukashenko's regime at global and regional levels. The article analyses the problem: what are the concrete threats posed to Lithuania by the Belarusian authoritarianism? The profiles of the problem presented here - the origins of authoritarianism in Belarus, the pattern of the dependence in the relations between Belarus and Russia, the international security community and Belarus, the development of the Lithuania-Belarus relationship - make it possible to identify eventual threats to Lithuania arising within political, social, economic and ecological sectors.

It has been four years since the Law on National Social Insurance Pensions came into force. It is now possible to make some conclusions about the System's problems and it's likely future development. This article analyses the long-term (1999-2030) development of the National Social Insurance System. The System's forecast development is based on a modified model constructed by the World Bank researchers in 1993-1994. The earlier model required some major modifications in order to serve for the forecasting purposes. Since the model was first constructed: a) new demographic data has become available; b) macroeconomic inputs were adjusted to reflect the country's current situation; c) calculation of old age pension benefits was modified to conform with the new legal environment; d) calculation of the other pension benefits was modified; and e) two new categories of widows and orphans pensions were included into the model. Two possible scenarios for the System's budget are presented in the article: 1) The pension age remains as it is specified in current legislation, 2) The pension age is raised to 65 for both men and wome

It has been four years since the Law on National Social Insurance Pensions came into force. It is now possible to make some conclusions about the System's problems and it's likely future development. This article analyses the long-term (1999-2030) development of the National Social Insurance System. The System's forecast development is based on a modified model constructed by the World Bank researchers in 1993-1994. The earlier model required some major modifications in order to serve for the forecasting purposes. Since the model was first constructed: a) new demographic data has become available; b) macroeconomic inputs were adjusted to reflect the country's current situation; c) calculation of old age pension benefits was modified to conform with the new legal environment; d) calculation of the other pension benefits was modified; and e) two new categories of widows and orphans pensions were included into the model. Two possible scenarios for the System's budget are presented in the article: 1) The pension age remains as it is specified in current legislation, 2) The pension age is raised to 65 for both men and women.

It has been four years since the Law on National Social Insurance Pensions came into force. It is now possible to make some conclusions about the System's problems and it's likely future development. This article analyses the long-term (1999-2030) development of the National Social Insurance System. The System's forecast development is based on a modified model constructed by the World Bank researchers in 1993-1994. The earlier model required some major modifications in order to serve for the forecasting purposes. Since the model was first constructed: a) new demographic data has become available; b) macroeconomic inputs were adjusted to reflect the country's current situation; c) calculation of old age pension benefits was modified to conform with the new legal environment; d) calculation of the other pension benefits was modified; and e) two new categories of widows and orphans pensions were included into the model. Two possible scenarios for the System's budget are presented in the article: 1) The pension age remains as it is specified in current legislation, 2) The pension age is raised to 65 for both men and wome