Suchergebnisse

"Chinese President Xi Jinping launched the Silk Road Economic Belt component of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative at Kazakhstan in 2013. OBOR is a development strategy and framework that focuses on connectivity and cooperation among countries primarily in Eurasia. It consists of two main components, the land-based "Silk Road Economic Belt" (SREB) and ocean-going "Maritime Silk Road" (MSR). This book studies the equilibrium or balance between overland and maritime trade routes of OBOR. This book has two major sections. The interpretive section examines contemporary media narratives related to the OBOR initiative and how contemporary commentators appropriate narratives about historical events related to the maritime Silk Road to interpret current policy agendas and legitimize diplomatic or economic exchanges. In terms of institutional studies, the chapters related to Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) will look at the issues facing the Bank in its quest in forming a new world platform for multilateral development financing. The other section, the empirical case study of the publication highlights the fact that Euro-China High Speed Rail (HSR) and Central Asia-China HSR are not viable at the moment as passenger volume is not sufficient to justify the HSR line. This section examines the overland route of the OBOR and looks at recent Chinese HSR history and conventional sub-high speed rail technology development, and identifies technical & economic criteria determining the appropriate technology for a certain line. The chapter in this section will use the developed criteria to analyze the various rail linkage projects currently under study in the OBOR framework, highlight the economic, bureaucratic and geo-political challenges that these projects likely face and lay down conditions that will determine the outcome of these projects."--Provided by publisher

This invaluable dictionary is the result of collaborative efforts across the globe. Over forty scholars from the United States, mainland China and Taiwan, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Norway, Israel and Malaysia contributed. They cover the full spectrum of Chinese industries from banking, finance and investment, real estate, transportation and infrastructure, to manufacturing, telecommunications, media, agriculture, automobile, pharmaceutical, food, trade, service and retail industries

submitted by Li Jiehui. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-126). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Abstract --- p.vi ; Abbreviations --- p.viii ; Tables and figures --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The research question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The research method --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- The legal and political scales --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- The adaptation of Page's method in China --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- The utilities of the two scales --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The research plan --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Central-local relations in China: an overview --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Major reforms in central-local relations --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Provinces under the economic cycle --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The case of Guangdong --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Legal assessment I: China --- p.16 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The general legal framework --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Omni-competence --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Dual subordination --- p.18 ; Chapter 3.1.3 --- The role of the Party --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Legal documents and opportunities --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- National laws --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Administrative regulations --- p.22 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Government/Party documents --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2.4 --- Local legislation --- p.27 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Assessing legal localism --- p.28 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Legal assessment II: Guangdong --- p.30 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Build up a legal framework: 1979-1988 --- p.31 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Recession: 1989-1990 --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Legislation of interests: 1991 -now --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- The case of the regulation for property registration --- p.37 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Development of other provinces: a comparison --- p.40 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Major findings --- p.43 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Political assessment I: China --- p.44 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Page's methodology --- p.44 ; Chapter 5.2 --- The ...

.cs95E872D0{text-align:left;text-indent:0pt;margin:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt}.cs5EFED22F{color:#000000;background-color:transparent;font-family:Times New Roman; font-size:12pt; font-weight:normal; font-style:normal; }This is the next generation of business dictionaries. Including modern banking, accounting, insurance, real estate, import-export, taxes, business law and computer terms, this is an essential resource for those working in multilingual, multicultural business fields

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

本文主要分析了海原县在实现现代化的发展过程中,国家如何利用权力和空间来主导现代化。同时,也以此为主题,分析了农民在国家主导的现代化过程中,如何做出反应。 ; 本文将研究集中在现代化与发展这样的背景下,用权力和空间这样的核心概念,来分析国家与回族民众之间的关系,从而来推出在中国国家话语下,现代化的实践,农民所采取的各种应对方式,不是以挑战国家权威,或者有意与国家做对这样一套路径来看待中国国家与农民之间的关系,而是更应该交往全面、宽幅度、更为厚实地去看待国家和农民的关系。农民并非一味地反对,也不是完全地接受,农民往往是在更为理性的层面,根据具体问题而采取相应的应对。应对,有些是明显且看得见的应对,有些是隐藏的不易发觉的应对。所以,完全用农民本来就要反对国家,或者说,农民与国家是二元对立的不可调和的矛盾关系,显然有些过度解释了农民的行为和思想。 ; 本文以"农民进城、"新农村建设、"面子工程"和反对县城搬迁这样一些具体的个案,从农民对待国家政策的微弱难以明显看出到强烈地应对县城搬迁这样一些多层次的个案,来考量了国家在主导现代化的政策中,政绩与自我利益作为隐藏话语,而从对农民有好处,帮助农民发展早日摆贫困为公开话语,来促成各项政策的落实。农民在这些不同的背景下,用属于并适合自己作为农民、回族、伊斯兰教信徒等身份来维护自己的利益。总而言之,整个论文以田野调查为方法,着重分析了发展背景下的地方政治和民众的应对战略,同时也分析了国家与民族之间复杂的社会关系。 ; This thesis studies the roles of the state in the modernization of Haiyuan in Ningxia, China, and analyses state power and the state use of space. Also analyzed is how ordinary people respond to state power in this state-led modernization. ; Focusing on the background of modernization and development, I shall study the multi-layers of relations between the State and Hui Muslim civilians, so as to show that, under the discourse of the State, their responses to the state are not simply challenging state power, but are more complex in this relations between the state and the people based on concrete situations. Some of their tactics of resistance are visible while others are hidden. This it is simplistic to view the state and the civilians as in direct opposition. ; By studying concrete cases of farmers moving into the county seat, the government building a"new village, the government's "beautifying project and the people's resistance to the relocation of the county seat, this thesis examines the weak and strong resistance of the people. This study analyzes how the state manipulates the policies and the processes of modernization for political interests, which are hidden behind political discourses about helping the poor out of poverty. The state seeks to implement its policies, while the Hui civilians use their relevant peasant, Hui and Muslim identities to protect their own interests. ...

本研究發現一個地區的經濟發展水平與當地居民對中央政府的信任程度負相關。 ; 本研究包括定量和定性兩個部份。定量部份,普通最小二乘線性回歸(OLS)分析和雙層回歸分析的結果顯示:區域經濟發展水平與人們對中央政府的信任存在顯著的負相關關係。控制了個人因素變量,上述相關關係仍然顯著。定性分析部份討論了傳統文化與信息流通在發達地區和欠發達地區如何影響政府信任。這部份分析發現文化因素和信息因素是導致某一地區的民眾比另一地區民眾更不相信中央政府的重要因素,但必須與經濟發展因素相結合才能發揮顯著作用。文化與信息受當地的經濟發展水平影響:一個地區的經濟發展水平越高,傳統文化的影響力越弱,信息化程度越高;反之,經濟發展水平越低,傳統文化的影響力越強,信息化程度越低。定量分析與定性分析都支持研究假設。 ; 把上述靜態觀察納入動態視角,從長遠看,區域經濟發展將削弱公眾對中央政府的信任。具體來說,假定目前的局勢延續,隨著中國越來越多的地區經濟得到發展,當地民眾對中央政府的信任會相應降低。據此推測,中國人的政府信任可能會經歷一個由"中央高、地方低再變為"中央低、地方更低的過程。 ; This research shows that the level of economic development in a region has a negative correlation with local residents' trust in the central government. ; This study draws on both quantitative and qualitative analyses. In the quantitative section, both OLS regression and hierarchical linear modeling show that the level of regional economic development has a significant negative correlation with public trust in the central government, controlling for individual factors. Qualitative analysis suggests that traditional culture and the flow of political information affect people's trust in government when they interact with economic development. In places where economy is underdeveloped, traditional culture has a larger impact and the flow of political information is less free. By contrast, in places where economy is more developed, traditional culture has a weaker effect and the flow of political information is freer. ; Putting the finding of the cross-sectional analysis into a dynamic perspective, it is suggested that the development of local economy may in the long run weaken local residents' trust in the central government. More specifically, assuming that the present situation continues, as more and more regions experience economic growth, local residents may develop weaker confidence in the central government. The pattern of trust in government may then evolve from the current "high trust in the central government and lower trust in local government into "low trust in the central government and even lower trust in local government. ...