Suchergebnisse

One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents. ; One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents.

In the independent Croatia elections are among the most important political processes, hence they are the central elements of the whole transition. The importance of elections has increased the importance of electoral systems as institutional forms of arranging elections, and they became main constitutional arrangements of the new democratic country. There have been no any new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe with such frequent and radical changes of electoral systems in the first decade after political changes. In the entire transitional region there has been no country that in ten years carried out three big, electoral reforms. In ten years, all the central models of the electoral systems for the first chamber of the Parliament have been remoulded: the absolute majority system (1990), the segmented system with the equal ratio of direct and closed list seats (1992), the segmented system with the preponderant share of the closed list seats (1995) and the proportional representation (2000).

The essay deals with the territorial disparities of Poland and the new aspects of regional development. According to the general opinion, there are two types of explanation of the differences of the level of regional development. According to the evolutionist perception, the roots of the regional differences are the consequents of the cleavages coming from the historical past. On the other hand, the other opinion is based on the 'big bang' of the economic and political transformation. There are different perceptions of the phenomenon 'region', some of the authors concentrate on the regional identity and the region as a historical phenomenon. The regions have different historical past in the Central and Eastern European countries where the role of the central government had greater influence. Finally, the essay deals with the cleavages of Poland and the several approaches made in oreder to eliminate these differences, and the role of the regional development programmes and practices.

Central Europe means different political, economic, cultural, geopolitical and a "regional security community" contents in relation to my topic. Nowadays, this region, the "Central Europe" region primarily means the V-4 cooperation and the very important role and initiatives of the region in the EU. The V-4 cooperation, which was established in 1991, can be conceived as an attempt at creating a special form, as a mechanism and sub-stance to the political dimension of this region. The four members of the special mechanism are trying to get closer to one another by relying on solidarity with each other. The V-4 cooperation is based on the common history of the participating countries and close similarities between their recent transformation processes. Such resemblances explain the V4 structure's success, including parallel navigation in the problems of European Union and NATO accession. In the absence of permanent institutions [except the International Visegrad Fund (IVF)], the dimension and ambitions of the V-4 cooperation depends on the political objective of the governments and direct security environment, which impacts on these countries.

Hungary is an extremely poor state in terms of energy resources; the energy policy of the country and the structure of energy resources used have been and are determined by the energy import dependence. After WWII, it could obtain its increased demand necessary to its extensive energyintensive industry established based on the Soviet model almost entirely from the Soviet Union. Hungary, just like other Central-European countries, tried to decrease its unilateral dependence on energy import linked to Russia through several measures in the past 25 years but these efforts achieved partial success only; the Russian energy import dependence of Hungary and of a large part of Central-Europe remained till the present days. The 'National Energy Strategy 2030' developed on the basis of the guideline, adopted in 2011, specified insurance of long-term sustainability, security and economic competitiveness as primary objective of the Hungarian energy policy. The Government intends to guarantee security of supply, to enforce environmental considerations and depending on the options of the country, to stand up for solving global problems through implementation of the strategy. The strategy intends to achieve the termination of the electricity import balance of the country until 2030 by this 'Nuclear-Coal-Green' scenario based on these three pillars.

This paper aims to give a comprehensive picture of the objectives and perspectives behind the creation of the Central European Initiative (CEI). It also analyzes the role of CEI in the political, economic and social transition in the post-Socialist states. The article studies how CEI helped the integration of the Central European countries to the Western institutions, especially to the European Union (EU). The cooperation was founded in 1989 by Austria, Hungary, Italy, and Yugoslavia. It was unique and special in the era, as it had member states from totally different political and economic blocks. There are more approaches to explain the creation of this cooperation. According to the Liberal one, the founder states wished to create a flexible platform for the cooperation of countries from different blocks. This was also a political initiative to overcome on the divisions of bipolarity and the Cold War. The laid down political objectives in the official documents included the values represented by the European institutions. These values were adopted by the post-Socialist states. At the project level, the initiatives of CEI indirectly contributed to the economic and social transition in these countries. CEI and EU progressively built their close relations, and the support of EU integration became the mission of CEI. If we study the EU accessions in the region, we can state, CEI had a successful and important role in bringing closer the post-Socialist states to the EU.

This study is a continuation of the previously published paper in the Central European Publications No. 35, and No. 43. The study is a continuation of the previously published paper in the Central European Publications No. 35, which presented the political controversies about the codifing of the Trianon Peace Treaty and that massive pressure exerted on Hungary by the great powers for the purpose of making it. The antecedents of the ratification process and the entry into force of the Peace Treaty were the result of more than one year's process. The first study describes the period from 4th June 1920, the signing of the peace treaty, till 26th October 1920, the referral of the peace treaty to the National Assembly. The second study detailed the content of the ratification bill and its justification. Described further developments regarding the ratification of the Trianon Peace Treaty, opinions of leading Hungarian politicians and the decisions of the National Assembly Committee, which determined Hungarian political life and influenced the daily life of the public until the commencement of the National Assembly ratification debate. This study continues the previous one and presents the details of the ratification debate, on 13 November 1920. Details the pre-debate press news, the expectations of the public, statements by the chairmen of the National Assembly Committees. Than it describes and analyzes the detailed discussion, the arguments of the opposing politicians who did not support ratification. These speeches point to the fatal flaws of the peace treaty, the measures that have befallen the Hungarians for a century in its brutality.

The education has been exceedingly affected by the economic recession, the transformed state governance and the demographic waves, so the educational system of each country underwent some changes. The aim of my research is the comparative study of the educational systems in the East-Central European region. I examined the relationships between the different qualities, historical backgrounds, reforms and I explored the relationship between the current states of the systems (Karsten & Majoor, 1994; Lannert, 1998; Knell & Srholec, 2007; Horn & Sinka, 2007; Báthory, 2008; Dienes, 2007; Kelemen, 2010; Dakowska & Harmsenbert, 2015). My research questions are the following: What were the main reforms in the transformation of education systems? What similarities can be observed in the school systems of the countries? The region I studied is a specific East-Central European region, so the countries I have chosen are Hungary, Romania, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Austria, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Poland. In my study, I have created three groups and I present the changes in the education systems of these countries, taking into consideration economic, social and political issues (Lannert, 2004; Kozma, 2006; Barber & Moirshed, 2007; Valuch, 2009; Kelemen, 2010; Jakubowski, 2015). Analyzing the results, it can be concluded that the regime change has enabled the countries to redefine themselves and find their new status in domestic and international politics, and also in world economy. The world economy situation created same problems for the states of the region, but their resources were different, so the public spending on education, the characteristics of education management and the infrastructure characteristics of the institutions were different. Among the main results, I have identified two groups during compulsory schooling, the first group being countries that introduce compulsory schooling up to the age of 6-15 years, and the other group consists of countries introducing compulsory schooling up to the age of 16. I have examined the curriculum regulation and the textbook market, it can be stated that, as a result of the reforms, new curricula were prepared, the textbooks were adapted according to these. Examining curriculum regulation is the result of countries striving for central regulation, but it has to be emphasized that there are countries that have integrated framework curricula and / or local curricula into a single national core curriculum, thus giving the opportunity to more autonomous management. In summary it can be concluded that the history of the countries studied and the development of their educational systems evolved similarly, however, differences can be observed by examining the different educational characteristics. My theoretical research can contribute to the discovery of the situation in Hungary and to the development tendencies and trends in the region.

A publikáció felhívja a figyelmet a világgazdaságban létező gazdasági erőközpontok és a hozzájuk kapcsolódó peremterületek gazdasági szimbiózisának működési mechanizmusára. A centrum-periféria modellek segítségével mutatja be a gazdasági központok és perifériáik kapcsolatát, elemezi e régiók fejlődéséhez vezető okokat, az egymáshoz kötődő gazdasági kapcsolataikat. A cikk az Európai Unió központjának és perifériájának fejlődésére összpontosít, megvizsgálva e régiók gazdasági fejlődésének történelmi hátterét, hangsúlyozva az ipari forradalom jelentőségét Nyugat-Európában. A tanulmány kitér a német migrációs politika bemutatására a II. világháború végétől napjainkig. Elemezi a német statisztikai hivatal adatait, és bemutatja a Németországban élő külföldi népesség számának és arányának változását a 20. század második felében. A német migrációs politika ismertetése során a bevándorlási szabályok enyhítésének változását vizsgálja kitérve a 2015-ös migrációs válság hatásaira. A cikk bemutatja a német kormány előtt álló kihívásokat és a bevándorlók beilleszkedésének nehézségeit, a külföldi állampolgárok németországi kulturális hátterét, az egyes nemzetiségek számát és arányát a német társadalomban. A kiadvány a közép-európai államok gazdasági együttműködési rendszerén keresztül meghatározza a közép-európai feldolgozóipari központ államait és gazdasági szerepét az Európai Unióban, valamint rávilágít, hogy Németország a közép-európai régió gazdasági központja, amely beruházásai és termelési kapacitásainak bővítése révén meghatározza a visegrádi országok gazdasági fejlődését, és egy sajátos gazdasági centrum periféria kapcsolatrendszer kiépítéséhez vezet. The center-periphery models show the relationship between the economic centers and its periphery in the geographical area, analyze the reasons leading to the development and development of these regions and illustrate their economic relations with each other. The publication focuses on the development of the center and periphery of the European Union, examining the historical background of the economic development of these regions, emphasizing the importance of the industrial revolution in Western Europe. The aim of the study is to present the German migration policy from the end of the World War II to the present. It analyzes the data of the German statistical office and shows the changing of the number and proportion of foreign population living in Germany in the second half of the 20th century. During the presentation of the German migration policy discusses the study the process of easing immigration rules and the migration crisis in 2015. The article presents the challenges faced by the German government and the difficulties of integrating immigrants. It discusses the different cultural backgrounds of foreign citizens in Germany, lists the proportion of each nationality within German society. The publication describes the economic co-operation system of the Central European states and defines the states and economic role of the Central European manufacturing core in the European Union. The publication states that Germany is the economic center of the Central European region, which also determines the economic development of the Visegrad countrys by introducing production capacities.

This study is a natural continuation of the author's earlier book on privatization in Hungary, covering the developments between 1989 and 2009 on 1700 pages. As it is well-known, the right wing FIDESZ government, which came to power with a 2/3 supermajority in Parliament, has embarked upon a totally new economic policy as from mid-2010. Within this setting, illiberal constitutional changes and unortodox economic policies were implemented. Renationalization was a significant (but not the most important) building block of this. As we analysed the individual transactions, it turned out that actually many of them were initiated by the previous, Socialist led government. In other words, there are interesting elements of continuity here, especially in the energy sector. Another interesting finding is, that almost without exceptions, the renationalization deals were not implemented by force, the Hungarian state paid quite generously to the sellers. In the case of the largest deals, there is even reason to speak of sweetheart deals through which the Hungarian government tried to make favour to German and US businesses. So far, the renationalization affected more than 200 firms (including banks) for which some HUF 1600 bn (≈ 5bn €) state money was used. This figure, just as the sums involved in the individual transactions are somewhat misleading, if compared to the privatization revenues generated by previous governments prior to 2010. However, if all transactions – i.e. asset sales and asset purchases – are expressed as a percentage of Hungary's annual GDP, it becomes clear that the post 2010 nationalization deals were much smaller than the 1990-2000 privatization deals.

In a series of studies I analyze the past and present of Chinese higher education. The topic may be justified by the fact that up to now no comprehensive study has been published in Hungary about the long way China went along from the darkest years of communism to nowadays' education. In this second paper I summarize the four main phenomena of the reforms after the Mao-era: decentralization, marketization, privatization and internationalization. In the frame of decentralization, the external and internal governance of the universities changed resulting in a power shift from the central level to regional and institutional level. Marketization brought about significant change in the funding of higher education: instead of the state private actors pay for education. Privatization let private actors in the higher education arena, while internationalization means opening up China for foreign institutions and students and letting Chinese students to study abroad. I build my analysis on international literature and statistical data.

In the resent years in Serbia the process of regionalization, the power of decentralization and the strengthening to self-government has become a central issue. In this context, my aim is to give a general preview about initial processes of Serbia's regional development, regionalism and decentralization. Regions and regional development have tradition on the Balkan. Taking into consideration this fact research of regional development of the former Yugoslavian republics is important. We have to study the instruments which were used to decrease the regional differences after the First and the Second World War. In this paper my aim is to introduce regional problems of the former Yugoslavia and today in Serbia. The main questions are: with which problems struggled Yugoslavia after the First World War and after the Second World War. How the government tried to solve the problems of regional inequalities in the past and what actions makes today to equalize the regional differences in Serbia.

In Serbia the process of the regionalization, the power decentralization and the strengthening to self"government has become a central issue in the recent years. In this context, our aim is to give the general preview about the initial processes of Serbia's regional development and decentralization. The research on the subject is justified by the accession of Serbia to the European Union. The main questions are: Where is currently the regional organization in Serbia? How and in that measure has the decentralization process been achieved? Is there a "bottom"up" initiative in Serbia or the country is trying to meet the expectations of the European Union? It should be noted that Serbia had the largest and most differential spatial structure of the former Yugoslavia, furthermore the war conditions gave special characteristics to the spatial backwardness and setback. Currently, the country's development path is complicated and shows numerous sophisticated features in many segments of the economic progression.

All actors in Central-East Europe face the changing role of different regions. In Hungary, the regional policy of the new government recasts chances and duties of former development regions with primary focus on counties. The article deals with a specific region along Southern course of river Tisza. We prove that this part of a wider European region, a sometime organic one, is actually object of reintegration. We analyze different conditions and dimensions of altering relations which play eminent role in the reinforcement of the organic character. The perspective of local actors in the next period, can be found in he new European Danube Strategy, as long as they are ready to organize themselves on appropriate regional base. Danube Strategy will be filled with real content if each identity region will be ready to accommodate itself in the new and wider European structure of a functional macroregion called Danube Region. We conclude that appropriate management of conditions supports the ongoing European and inner integration process.

The Hungarian railway network with the latest and most advanced in the XIX–XX. at the turn of the century. The railway network plays a crucial role not only within the country's borders, but the whole of Europe. The nationalities wanted to create their own state in the Austro - Hungarian monarchy. The Entente validate their own political and economic interests of the Páruzsi peace talks, was used for the national aspirations. The world changes strengthened the political aspirations of the Entente. The strategic interests also justify their decisions. Soviet Russia and the European labor movement organization of great danger to the Entente countries. Politicians of the Entente countries have developed the boundaries of the Central European countries, on the basis of these two reasons. They split up the single railway network in small units. Austria wants now to standardize the components, according to their own interests. Hungary can not promote their own interests in the field of European rail services.