Suchergebnisse

Loans indexed and denominated in foreign currencies were granted in Poland to those not receiving income in a foreign currency, in the period from 2000 to 2013. In this period, housing loans were the fastest growing item in bank assets in Poland. Only in the period from December 2002 to the end of 2012, the share of housing loans in the assets of banks increased more than five times, and in receivables from the non-financial sector increased fourfold. A significant change in foreign exchange rates (e.g. CHF, EUR, USD and JPY) in relation to the zloty contributed directly to the current value of the costs of operating liabilities, as well as the valuation of the total mortgage obligations relating to foreign exchange, the value of credit and its costs calculated in PLN. The significant ease of obtaining a mortgage in foreign currencies in relation to the PLN loan resulted in the entry into the group of borrowers of individuals and households who would not receive a PLN loan at the time, and would not, therefore, lead to a real estate purchase transaction. The author points out the social consequences of the emergence of a significant group of citizens burdened with high indebtedness. In his opinion, a generation of "credit slaves" emerged as a new social phenomenon - living with the awareness of a long-standing unpaid financial obligation. This limits the socio-economic activity, and builds indifference to debt, i.e. a state in which each subsequent commitment 'does not worsen' such a bad situation. The author also presents the proposals and activities of political groups and the borrower community itself aimed at solving this situation. The subject of the analysis is the scale and socio-economic effects of placing mortgage loans relating to foreign currencies on the market. The aim of the study is an attempt to identify the socio-economic effects and scale of the public policy negligence against the crisis of the so-called 'foreign currency loans'. The analysis was carried out on the data from the period 1989-2016.

The article aims to present the driving forces, defined as the path dependence approach, shaping systemic changes in the Central and Eastern Europe. It will also consider the usefulness of this concept for explaining the different results of the political and economic transformation.

In this paper, the U.S. stance under the administration of President
Donald Trump with regard to the Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is analysed.
It shows the importance of Central and Eastern Europe in U.S. foreign and
security policy, concluding that the Americans treat the TSI as an instrument for achieving their own goals, especially those in energy policy.

Ukraine has played an extremely important role in ensuring the energy security of Central European countries over the years, mainly due to its position as a transit state. Past energy crises (2006, 2009) have affected the perception of the country in Europe and led to Russian-German energy projects that reduce the level of regional security (e.g., Nord Stream 1, Nord Stream 2). In Poland, various political parties (Law and Justice, Civic Platform, the Left Party, Polish People's Party) have referred differently to regional cooperation and the function Ukraine might offer in this type of process. In this context, the aim of the article was to analyse the political thought of selected Polish parliamentary parties regarding the importance of Ukraine in ensuring the energy security of Central European countries during Russia's armed attack on Ukraine in 2022. The starting point of the analyses was the general thesis that political parties in Poland treated Ukraine as a key state in efforts to limit the negatively perceived energy policy of the Russian Federation in the region.

The aim of the article is to show the explanatory and prognostic power of theories of international relations (neorealism, neo-liberal institutionalism and social constructivism) in the situation of visible problems with predicting the end of the Cold War and explaining the democratization process in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. In the face of significant changes that have influenced the formation of a new post-Cold War international order, it is necessary to consider the importance of the theory in adopting appropriate research strategies so that on the one hand, it is possible to predict the course of events with some degree of probability and on the other, to explain their essence and importance. The end of the Cold War and the process of transforming the countries of Central and Eastern Europe thus pose a general and extremely important question about the possibility of developing a scientific approach to the analysis of international relations, which goes beyond only short-term observation of current events. The article analyzes the most important theoretical approaches in the context of adopting such a research strategy, thanks to which one could depart from the dominance of extreme, mutually exclusive positions. The great debates that have been held so far have shown that wealth in science is not a one-sided approach, even if at some point or time we are dealing with the supremacy of a particular theory or a methodological approach. The fiasco of the science of international relations in predicting the end of the Cold War has shown the necessity of undertaking such activities whose task would be to combine rather than exclude. The end of the Cold War and the transformation process of Central and Eastern Europe are therefore treated as case studies that help in testing the theory of international relations as adequate instruments for analyzing the changing international situation.

The article presents different models of capitalism with special regard to those occurring in the countries of Central and East Europe after 1989. Next the reasons why in the Vysegrad Group countries, among others, the model of capitalism called peripheral, dependent, imitative or hybrid was shaped and got strengthened. A separate subject of reflections is the issue of further economic development.

The processes of integration, disintegration and reintegration are central to thinking about politics in processual terms. Among many circumstances and determinants, a special place is occupied by issues related to the humanization or dehumanization of opponents. The article deals with the relationship between dehumanization-rehumanization and disintegration-reintegration in the context of savage wars and taking into account their consequences for the phenomena of politicization and depoliticization.

Since January 2017, when Donald Trump assumed the post of US president, there has been a visible intensification of relations between the United States and the countries from Central Europe, aimed at, for example, counteracting challenges and threats faced by the allies. The objective of the article is to analyze challenges and threats to Central Europe, identified by Donald Trump. He points to the necessity: 1) to strengthen NATO and increase the engagement of European allies; 2) to ensure energy security; 3) to counteract threats from two superpowers – Russia and China. The text addresses how important the challenges and threats identified by the American president have been for individual Visegrad states. The article begins by presenting characteristic features of the foreign policy conducted by Donald Trump's administration which influence relations between the US and the Visegrad countries. It then analyzes the relations between the US and individual states regarding the previously presented challenges and threats. The article's thesis is that Poland is the only Visegrad country to perceive all three challenges and threats in a way similar to the US, and thus cooperates with the US in this matter. The work is a comparative analysis based on content and narrative analysis.

Despite the three decades that have passed since the collapse of the USSR, the rivalry in the post-Soviet area continues. It is also going on in Central and Eastern Europe. Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, followed by the Russian Federation's open invasion of Ukraine eight years later, indicates that the intensity of the rivalry has intensified. The purpose of the article is to identify elements of continuity and change in this rivalry and to answer questions about the causes and prospects of the competition between states and non-state actors in the area. No less important is the question of whether the involvement of the superpowers in Central and Eastern Europe should still be considered a rivalry or rather a conflict. Elements of continuity can be found, among other things, in the involvement of the same actors, the reasons for involvement, and the persistence or even strengthening of conflicting interests. Also, some of the means and methods used remain the same. Among the elements of change are the unprecedented unity of the West and the increase in EU activity in the military sphere, the reduction of Russia's ability to use some of its means and methods, and the loss of some of the advantages it had until recently.

Economic security is nowadays one of the most important issues related to the functioning of the state. Most often identified with the ability to create mechanisms to advance the interests of the national economy, maintaining stability and favor development. Numerous measures make it possible to assess the level of safety in various ways. The potential of Central and Eastern European countries and the need for convergence create space for economic security.

Economic security is nowadays one of the most important issues related to the functioning of the state. Most often identified with the ability to create mechanisms to advance the interests of the national economy, maintaining stability and favor development. Numerous measures make it possible to assess the level of safety in various ways. The potential of Central and Eastern European countries and the need for convergence create space for economic security.

The article surveys the domestic and international determinants of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its implications for Poland's external relations and the role it has been playing in Central and Eastern Europe. It demonstrates geopolitical shifts underway at that moment in history and their impact on the reorientation of Polish foreign policy at the turn of century. It addresses a number of research questions and tests hypotheses pertaining to the collapse of the Soviet Union, with the key assumption that the collapse of the USSR was induced not only by domestic factors, but also developments in Europe and globally, including the "Autumn of Nations". The analysis shows that after the fall of the USSR, Polish foreign policy was conducted in accordance with the country's raison d'Etat and weighed heavily on the region. It was premised on the Euro-Atlantic system and close relations with Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Central and Eastern European countries. The research draws on classical realism, theories of foreign policy as well as constructivism. The following research methods were employed: review and critical analysis of documents and state-of-the-art literature. Polish and foreign published documents, books, articles, and reports, as well as press and Internet sources.

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Swiss political parties were formed. Basic press organs also crystallized, which became the official nationwide titles of particular trends. Regardless of internal discrepancies, most of these bodies pursued a fairly consistent propaganda policy regarding the future of multicultural lands after the end of the First World War. One of the issues that fit into this theme was the issue of the Polish-Ruthenian-Lithuanian borderland. The entire Helvetic public opinion was of the opinion that it was necessary to create a federal state in Central Europe, which was to be an antidote to emerging nationalist movements. The promotion of such a solution was related to the desire to disseminate in Europe its own, Swiss constitutional solutions, which had proven to function efficiently for half a century. In the conditions of the borderland of Central Europe, such a vision turned out to be unrealistic. Revealing nationalist tendencies and ineffective attempts to find a compromise solution between the representatives of the emigration of nations in question present in Switzerland led to the collapse of the idea of promoting the Slavic federation in the Helvetic press in autun 1918.

The article deals with the problem of Russia's aspirations to revise the geopolitical system created in Soviet times using Crimea as an example. It shows the activities of both local political circles and the central authorities of the Russian SFSR, and later the Russian Federation, aimed at revising the existing borders and integrating the Crimean peninsula into Russia. The article covers the years from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the 1997 agreement between Russia and Ukraine.

Social cooperatives in the function of social enterprises are classified as a group of employers of the open labour market. In view of their specific functioning they prepare and offer some work places to people being away from the labour market. The article attempts to characterize and evaluate the existing funding opportunities for social economy enterprises in Poland on the example of social cooperatives of legal entities in the context of the development of social economy in the area of social policy understood as one of the components of public policy. This article is a review of the current scientific literature in the field of social entrepreneurship and current legislation on social cooperatives. The presented data suggests that currently, social cooperatives have various forms and sources of financing for their activities. They operate in the sphere of public utilities, filling the gap in the provision of publicly available services which cannot be filled by free market entities or state institutions. Their activity is financed mainly from own funds, which can be supplemented with financial support from the state budget or a local government unit as well as bank loans and the European Union fund.