Abstract. Nativism does not only present a concept, but also an ideological framework as well as a political practice related to identity politics. In the article we firstly present the theoretical reflection of nativism and operationalise the most important terms and characteristics of this phenomenon. Later, we apply the concept of nativism to the analysis of conservative populist and/or nativist political actors in the Central European region. The analysis shows how nativism, as a relatively peripheral issue in the first 10–15 years after the democratic transition, became stronger in the next period characterised by a set of crises after 2008. The analysis demonstrates how the mainstream parties in Central Europe adopted the nativist and conservative populist agenda and implemented it into mainstream politics. Furthermore, the analysis shows how Central European nativism correlates with the long-term existence of antiliberal streams that were revitalised after the fall of Communist regimes. These anti-modern societal groups were reformulated as the counter-cosmopolitan camp within the polarisation process that is clearly visible in the political arena. Keywords: nativism; national conservatism; identity politics; Central Europe
Risk in banking business can not be avoided because the latter is strongly embedded in the very nature of it and banks should therefore be aware of the importance of effective risk management, encompassing the identification, measurement and assessment of each type of risk. Risk management can be important source of gaining competitive advantage and a way to survive in the world of banking. One of the most important risk in bank is the credit risk. Credit risk can be defined as the potential that a bank borrower or counterparty will fail to meet its obligations. The goal of credit risk management is to maximise bank´s risk-adjusted rate of return by maintaining credit risk exposure within acceptable parameters. Banks need to manage the credit risk inherent in the entire portfolio as well as the risk in invidual credits of transaction. Banks should also consider the relationships between credit risk and other risks. The effective management of credit risk is a comprehensive component of a comprehensive approach to risk management and essential to the long-term success of bank. Risk management is usualy regulated by bank directives, prescriptions, where the most important in Slovenia is the Law about banking with under law acts.
The aim of our paper is to formulate and empirically verify the simple backward looking econometric model of the monetary rule, which would be able to describe the development of CNB repo rate, namely only on the basis of statistically measured and in the given time available information. We focus on the period after 1998, when the CNB's inflation targeting policy is implemented and the repo rate (14 days) plays the role of the monetary policy rate. In the paper we discuss some methodological problems associated with the "ex post" empirical verification of the central bank monetary rule. We construct an empirical model of the monetary rule, justify the choice and the inclusion of explanatory variables, we analyze the statistical properties of time series and verify the alternative forms of econometric models. Our analysis showed that the development of CNB repo rate in the reporting period can be explained by the past and present evolution of three explanatory variables: the yearly inflation rate, the exchange rate and the ECB repo rate. The annualized inflation rate proved to be statistically insignificant in the model. We find interesting that the statistical quality of the estimated model was further increased after a six-month delay of the yearly inflation rate. The obtained results indicate that in determining the CNB repo rate the expected future level of the yearly inflation rate does not play important role and the last yearly inflation rate is more important than its present level. Adapted from the source document.
Evropske države so se povezale v EU na podlagi nekaterih skupnih temeljnih vrednot med katerima vidno mesto zavzemata demokracija in pravna država. S tem v zvezi sta medijsko zelo izpostavljeni Madžarska in Poljska, ki sta v zadnjem času sprejeli vrsto zakonov, ki nasprotujejo evropskim temeljem. Gradita neliberalno demokracijo, saj naj bi bila po njunem mnenju liberalna preživeta. EU pa pri varovanju svojih vrednot za enkrat ni najbolj uspešna, zato se v nalogi sprašujem, kaj vse bi EU morala postoriti, da bi se države vrnile v evropske okvirje. Pri tem pa ne zagovarjam niti ostrih posegov v posamezno državo, niti ne visokih denarnih sankcij. Skozi nalogo ves čas opozarjam, da je potrebno nasloviti problem pri njegovih vzrokih ter da je nujno, da se med vsemi vpletenimi stranmi vzpostavi dialog ter da se skupaj poišče rešitev in skupno pot naprej. ; European countries have connected into the EU on the grounds of common fundamental values, most notably democracy and the rule of law. In regard to the latter two values, Hungary and Poland attract the most media coverage, as they have in the recent time changed a few laws that contradict the European foundations. In their own words, they are building an illiberal democracy, as they believe that the liberal one is outdated. EU is at present not very successful at protecting its values ; this is why I am wandering in this article what does the EU has to do in order to bring the country back into the European frame. I am not in favour of either any intervention into the country neither am I in favour of the high financial sanctions. Through this piece I am continuously arguing that the problem needs to be addressed at its roots and that all the actors involved need to run a dialogue to find a suitable solution together for a united path forward.
Abstract. The purpose of the article is to explain the creation of the Slovenian debt state and its transformation into a consolidation state after the crisis of 2008. When the crisis struck Slovenia in 2009, the banking system was near collapse. Through the recapitalisations of the banking system the public debt began to grow. After a couple of years and under the structural pressures of rating agencies and pressures from the EU, the Slovenian state had to adopt austerity measures to consolidate its public finances, while limiting the scope of democracy. The main finding of the article is that the crisis of 2008 fundamentally changed the Slovenian state. Keywords: capitalist state, consolidation state, debt, Slovenia, democracy
This study is focused on a small village in Tuscany and explores how citizens evaluate the actions and communication strategies applied by the local government during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study adopted a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods: semi-structured interviews with local administrators, and a survey with a representative sample of the local population. The findings show a limitedly articulated yet meaningful relationship between the central administration and the local one, a positive evaluation by citizens of the local government's management of the emergency and, generally, good social cohesion, albeit not fully supported by the engagement of civic cultures that were heavily restricted by the socially restrictive measures imposed during the pandemic.
The forms of the state order depend on legal independence/dependence of the organizational parts that make up a state, and on the legal relationships established among them. These relationships are either centralized or decentralized. It is characteristic of the state that it has central authority extending over the entire national territory. The decisions made by this authority are obligatory and binding for all population. It is particularly characteristic of the state that through its branched organization, also non-centralized authorities are established. They extend over organizationally restricted area and their decisions are not obligatory and binding for all their residents, but only for the inhabitants of a narrower community. Of course, here is the issue of the content and scope of the non-centralized units, which is the research subject in this paper. Adapted from the source document.
Abstract. Informal carers' telecare acceptance decisions depend on how their care recipients perceive telecare, yet this relationship has not been researched very much. This article draws on qualitative data gathered from informal carers to explore reciprocity in telecare perceptions within dyads of informal carers and care receivers. A 4-month intervention study was conducted from 2018 to 2019 in the Central Slovenia region. A purposive sample of 22 older adults and their informal carers tested two telecare solutions. Thematic analysis was conducted using Atlas.ti 8, with four themes emerging: 1. the benefits of telecare use for older adults; 2. reluctance, rejection or negative perceptions of telecare; 3. the potential violation of older adults' privacy; and 4. the importance of external and internal information for effective telecare use. This study confirms that that telecare perception is dyadically interdependent. Keywords: assistive technologies, informal care, ageing in place, dyads, older adults
The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on older people's lives on a global scale but for some marginalised communities have seen a marked exacerbation of health and other inequalities. Research has highlighted the impact of the pandemic on lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LGBT+) people's lives, but less has been documented about the experiences of LGBT+ older communities and how their specific needs have been mediated. Community-based advocacy organisations are central to promoting LGBT+ human rights in the UK through its social movements, and this paper explores their role and significance during a distinct period of the UK mandatory isolation. Drawing on a case study approach based on qualitative interviews with six key LGBT+ community organisations in the UK, we captured their insights into how they navigated support for older people when faced with limited resources and the challenges posed by mandatory physical and social distancing. We position these events in current discourse about structural and health inequalities for LGBT+ ageing in the UK.
Planning discharge from a psychiatric hospital from the social workers' perspective Planning discharge is the central task of social workers in a psychiatric hospital. Effective hospital discharge planning is a team process based on assessing needs and finding suitable responses to them. The research results show considerable inconsistency in this area, as the process of discharge planning is initiated at different times. It is especially the users' poor health that does not allow their wishes and needs to be consistently considered, and prevents user participation and autonomy. Consequently, patronizing practices are inevitable. Being treated in a psychiatric hospital is still associated with considerable stigma. The research findings show that social workers feel as equal members of department teams and face plenty of ethical dilemmas at their work. Undergraduate studies have equipped social workers with a wide specter of theoretical and practical knowledge; however, they would like the study programme to be supplemented with health care topics.
Abstract. The purpose of the article is to open up epistemological space for revitalising the idea of democratic economic planning as a viable alternative vision. It argues that a proper development of the idea must be preceded by a comprehensive critical interrogation of a hegemonic multidimensional ideological mystification of capitalism and its markets. By utilizing Marxist and eco-socialist insights the article identifies and analyses several central ideological mystifications that enact an epistemic closure. These range from the obfuscation of capitalism's role in creating the climate crisis as an inherently unsustainable system, to the mystification of its non-evolutionary origins, to the obfuscation of the role economic planning plays in contemporary capitalism, to the mystification of markets as ideal spaces of freedom and innovation obfuscating the ever present market-related oppression, exploitation and environmental devastation, and to silencing concrete historical examples of democratic economic planning such as project Cybersyn that should serve as an inspiration for imagining an alternative order. Keywords: climate change, ideological mystification, democratic economic planning, capitalism, neoliberalism
Po načelu samoodločbe imajo ljudstva pravico do suverenosti, ki je razdeljena na notranjo in zunanjo samoodločbo. Notranja samoodločba se kaže v pravici do kulturnega, socialnega in ekonomskega razvoja, medtem ko se zunanja najbolj kaže v pravici do oblikovanja svoje države in do nastopanja v mednarodnopravnem prostoru kot suveren subjekt. Teorijo je v mednarodnih dokumentih po koncu druge svetovne vojne začela razvijati OZN, ki je notranjo samoodločbo priznala vsem ljudstvom, medtem ko je zunanjo omejila na kolonialna ljudstva in pri njihovi definiciji ubrala zelo ozko razlago. Druga polovica 20. stoletja je posledično prinesla nastanek ogromnega števila novih držav, zlasti na afriškem in azijskem kontinentu. Več ali manj se vse centralne vlade soočajo z obstojem skupine ali skupin ljudi, ki imajo drugačne kulturne, jezikovne in socialne značilnosti. Pristop vsake centralne vlade do teh skupin ljudi je različen, vendar je v zadnjih stotih letih možno opaziti, da imajo več posluha za njihove potrebe in priznavanja različnih oblik samoupravljanja. Centralne vlade z njimi sprejemajo mednarodne sporazume, ki se zapišejo v ustavo. Teorija pozna dva različna modela, ki skušata pojasniti sanacijsko pravico do samoodločbe, to je zunajpravne pravice do odcepitve, ki naj bi popravila nepravično stanje. Naloga vzame pod drobnogled sanacijsko pravico do odcepitve avtorja Allena Buchanana. Buchanan namreč priznava pravico ljudstvom, ki so grobo zatirani s strani države, odcepitev pa bi predstavljala sanacijo. Katalonija je že več stoletij del Kraljevine Španije. Po španski ustavi ima status avtonomne regije, na podlagi katere ima določene specifične pravice. Kataloncem je po mednarodnem pravu skoraj nemogoče priznati pravico do zunanje samoodločbe, čemur tudi ni naklonjena španska ustava. Nemiri v zadnjem desetletju nakazujejo, da v Španiji nekaj ni v redu, zato je treba morebitno rešitev poiskati v teorijah, kot je sanacijska pravica do samoodločbe. ; According to the principle of self-determination, peoples have the right to sovereignty, which is divided into internal and external self-determination. Internal self-determination is manifested in the right to cultural, social and economic development, while external self- determination is most evident in the right to form one's country and to act as a sovereign entity in the international legal space. The theory was developed in international documents after the end of World War II by the UN, which recognized internal self-determination for all peoples while restricting external ones to colonial peoples and defining a very narrow interpretation in their definition. The second half of the 20th century, in turn, brought about the emergence of a huge number of new countries, especially in the African and Asian continents. More or less all central governments are confronted with the existence of a group or groups of people with different cultural, linguistic and social characteristics. The approach of each central government to these groups of people is different, but over the last hundred years, it can be observed that they have more of an ear for their needs and for recognizing different forms of self-government. Central governments sign international agreements with them and adopt them into constitution. Theory knows two different constructs that seek to explain the remedial right to self-determination, that is, the unlawful right to secession, which is to remedy an unjust state. The task under scrutiny takes the remedial right to secede Allen Buchanan. Buchanan recognizes the right of people who are severely oppressed by the state, and secession would mean a remedial action. Catalonia has been part of the Kingdom of Spain for centuries. Under the Spanish Constitution, it has the status of an autonomous region, on the basis of which it has specific rights. It is almost impossible for Catalans to recognize the right to external self-determination under international law, which is not favored by the Spanish Constitution. The unrest of the last decade suggests that something is not right in Spain, so any solution must be sought in theories such as the remedial right to self-determination.