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Using the contemporary system theories, the author primarily points to the asymmetry of the constitutional law and the political processes it so rarely regulates. Then he goes on to analyse the historical process of separating the custom law, oral law and written law, of the court and the courtroom, the law and the constitution, the constitution and its interpretation, the constitution's interpretation and the constitutional theory, and concludes his study with a description of the difference between constitution and democracy in the postmodern categorial optics. (SOI : PM: S. 45)

The author analyses the tension which exists in constitutional states between the popular sovereignty and the constraints of the people by constitutional order. After explaining and historically interpreting the significance of popular sovereignty as well as the danger hidden in the unequivocal adherence to this principle, he describes the functioning of popular sovereignty in several European constitutions. Most of them express certain misgivings about the people and its direct participation, so that its activities are limited to constitutionally predictable decisions. The author also highlights certain ethic dilemmas and perimeters of popular sovereignty. Constitutional state is based on the compromise between the liberal and the democratic principle; recently, this compromise has been endangered in some newly-created constitutional regimes by non-liberal democracy or the disequilibrium between these two principles. (SOI : PM: S. 77)

The term charisma was first used in theological writings. In the Old Testament literature, the term occurs only twice. However, in the New Testament it occurs seventeen times. It is used by St. Paul in the First Letter to the Corinthians, in the Letter to the Romans, in the Second Letter to the Corinthians. In the political context, the word charisma has been lavishly used in the analyses of national-socialist and stalinist regimes. Charismatic legitimation is, primarily, a feature of various types of dictatorships and no of democratic, constitutional states. This is probably why charismatic aspects are so notorious in most contemporary social theory. (SOI : PM: S. 144)

The notions of "right" and "left" are a fundamental semantic pattern within which voters construct their political perceptions and attitudes. Their universal meaning lies in a simple spatial approach to politics as conflict; functionally, "right" and "left" are "shortcuts" for political communication. In the empirically oriented political science, the left- right scale has become a standard variable in public opinion polls. After the initial pessimistic interpretations, in the last twenty years or so, this scale has increasingly demonstrated its validity and reliability. The sources of the right-left identification may be manifold, and not solely ideological. Also, the right-left scheme has demonstrated a remarkable potential to - in time - encompass new political contents and thus create a need for new cross-national and longitudinal studies. Voters - and not scientists - are those who define what is left and what is right. (SOI : PM: S. 168)

The author defines the state of law as a typical product of German political culture which corresponds to, but also differs from, both the experience of the English rule of law and that of the French l'Etat-Nation. The author pays particular attention to the issue of the legitimacy of the state of law. He focuses on two different approaches to this issue in the works of Volker Gerhardt and Ernst Wolfgang Böckenförd. Following a critical analysis of their fundamental assumptions the author goes on to divulge the thesis on the necessity of a balance between rights and power in the functioning of modern political systems. (SOI : PM: S. 13)

The study is a contribution to the discussion on the definition of war in modern era and focuses on contemporary debates. By exploring the essence of politics and nation, in line with Carl Schmitt's theory of politics and by taking into consideration the forms of national liberation wars, the author points to the inadequacy of von Clausewitz's instrumental/political definition of war and lists most critical remarks to this theory. The author describes other theories, such as the pure war theory (war separated from politics) and the existential war theory (a political entity is being shaped and coming into being). Then he systematically lays out the modern concept of the nation and the corresponding definition of war. In defining wars, the author relies on the modern philosophy of the subject, particularly by G.W.F. Hegel, and on Scheler's theory of nation and war. Finally, the study shows that international relations are still to a large extent determined by the nationally-based politics, and that contemporary wars include many features of international and national-liberation wars. (SOI : SOEU: S. 78)

Democracy and constitutional state should understandably be reviewed in the context of a society's progression in curbing the state. In any community the central issue is the relationship between the people as individuals and as members of a collective, since it is desirable for a collective to be a synerg sum of individuals. Thus it is prudent to search for a corellation between democracy and constitutional state. Democracy is an emanation of freedom, constitutions always a limitation. A state hems in a civil society; within it there is a network of the processes of structuring government from "above", which is of particular interest in transitional countries that gave up on the ideologised inaugural effect in designing government and adopted "constitutional engineering": power-sharing, popular sovereignty, representative parliamentarism, promotion of freedoms and basic rights of individuals and citizens. In this, it is imperative to make note of the necessity of structuring societies from "below" by means of the principle of local self-rule. (SOI : PM: S. 147)

Defining the dimensions of political culture is a precondition in the elaboration of the theory of this phenomenon and for its systematic empirical study. It has been demonstrated that Almond-Verba's concept of the dimensions of political culture, in the form of a matrix of the three orientations (cognitive, affective, and evaluative) times four political objects ("system", "input-objects", "output-objects" and "I" as an object) is not plausible. If political culture is defined as a set of beliefs about polit (which it indeed is), then it is clear that each belief at the same time contains an intricate mix of knowledge, emotions, and evaluations. This makes it difficult to determine the dimensions according to the mentioned orientations. It seems this was sensed by Almond himself in one of his later works. Using his more recent concept, we define the dimensions of political culture according to the "objects" of politics and not vice versa, according to the orientations in relation to these "objects". Thus we have elaborated on the three fundamental dimensions according to the three fundamental objects of politics: the "system" as a universal object, the "process" as a dynamic object of politics, and the "conduct" as a manner of decision-making and the outcome of governing. It has been found that each of these basic dimensions of political culture has a series of subdimensions (a total of about twenty-five). Surely, this matrix may be added to or perhaps amended, but basically it is unassailable, since it represents a sort of a map of political culture. (SOI : PM: S. 137)

Education and breeding, like culture in general (cultus, colere), are, in the broadest sense, universal human phenomena inseparably linked and interactive. Anthropology, generally speaking, is a holistic science of man, his nature and culture, so its approach and findings are always current and unavoidable even for the scientific pedagogic treatment of education and its application. Because of that in this conspectus the notions "education" and "breeding" and "anthropology", as a science of man and culture, are first theoretically determined so it can both contextually and explicitly be deduced and pointed at their necessary dialectical connection and mutuality. The second, applied part of the next is about religious education (scientifically, religiologically based) as a school subject and studies in the context of democratic social and political changes in Croatia and about its relation to catechism. (SOI : PM: S. 210)