Suchergebnisse

Im Mittelpunkt dieses Bandes steht das Werk des türkischen Autors und Übersetzers aus dem Deutschen Sabahattin Ali, der mit seinem Roman Kürk Mantolu Madonna (Die Madonna im Pelzmantel) zu posthumem Ruhm gelangte. Der Roman, der zum Großteil in Deutschland spielt, und andere seiner Werke werden unter Aspekten der Weltliteratur, (kultureller) Übersetzung und Intertextualität diskutiert. Damit reicht der Fokus weit über die bislang im Vordergrund stehende interkulturelle Liebesgeschichte in der Madonna hinaus. Weitere Beiträge beschäftigen sich mit Zafer Şenocaks Essaysammlung Deutschsein und dem transkulturellen Lernen mit Bilderbüchern. Ein Interview mit Selim Özdoğan rundet diese Ausgabe ab.

Demokratik devletlerin vazgeçilmez unsurlarından olan sivil toplum örgütleri, günümüzde demokratik işleyişin kontrolünde de önemli rol oynamaktadır. Siyasi seçimlerin adil, hukuki, hakkaniyetli ve demokratik kurallara uygun işlemesi için sivil toplum inisiyatif almış ve yeni örgütsel yapılar meydana getirmiştir. Örneklerini dünyanın farklı yerlerinde de görebileceğimiz bu sivil toplum örgütleri başarılı seçim süreçleri geçirilmesine katkı sağlamıştır. Türkiye'de ise ilk kez 2014 yerel seçimlerinde 'Oy ve Ötesi' adıyla bir araya gelmiş sivil toplum gönüllüleri, ülkedeki seçimlerinin işleyişini tarafsız olarak denetlemişlerdir. Nitekim 2015 genel seçimlerinde de Türkiye'de tüm siyasi partilerin referans olarak gösterdikleri bir sivil toplum örgütü olmuştur. Bu çalışma, Türkiye'deki seçimleri gözlemleyen 'Oy ve Ötesi'nin yapısı, işleyişi ve ortaya çıkışını incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda 'Oy ve Ötesinin' Türkiye'deki siyasi seçimlere yaptığı katkı da işlenecektir. Çalışmada sivil toplum örgütlerinin işleyişleri ve amaçlarını ortaya koyan birincil kaynaklardan ve Oy ve Ötesi'nin koordinasyon ekibiyle yapılmış olan görüşmeden yararlanılacaktır ; Non-governmental organizations play a significant role for the consolidation of democracy. In order to organize fair and legal political elections, the civil society has to be taken into account and has to create new organizational types. Several nongovernmental domestic election-monitoring organizations all over the world have been contributed to operate fair and successful election process. First time, in Turkey, civil volunteers have been gathered during the local elections of 2014, under the name of "Vote and Beyond" and have been started to observe the elections as a non-partisan organization. Hence, they become a domestic election monitoring organization in 2015, referred by all political parties. This article studies the structure and function of Vote and Beyond as the only example of domestic election monitoring organization from Turkey. On the other hand, we aim to analyze its impact on Turkish elections and democratization process. The findings will be discussed, referring to the literature on non-governmental organizations and to the interview conducted by executive members of "Vote and Beyond"

2000'lerin ilk on yılında, Türk dış politikasında dünyanın çeşitli bölgeleri ile siyasal ve ekonomik ilişkilerin geliştirilmesi amacı ile açılım politikaları başlatılmıştır. Bu çerçevede 2006, Latin Amerika ve Karayipler Yılı ilan edilmiştir. Brezilya da benzer şekilde 2003 sonrasında küresel düzeyde ortaklarını çeşitlendirmeye yönelmiştir. Karşılıklı bölgesel açılım politikaları ve hedef bölgelerde güvenilir ortak-lar bulma çabasıyla uyumlu olarak, 2006'dan itibaren Türkiye-Brezilya ilişkileri, özel bir ilerleme dönemine girmiştir. Bu dönemde diplomatik, ekonomik, toplumsal ve kültürel ilişkiler gelişmiştir. İki ülkenin bölgesel açılımları büyük ölçüde ekonomik ilişkilerin geliştirilmesi hedefi eşliğinde yürütülürken, yükselen güçler olarak uluslararası sistemde rol oynama istekleri; iki ülkeyi Tahran Deklarasyonu ve Medeniyetler İttifakı gibi küresel çaptaki girişimlerde birlikte hareket etmeye ve genel olarak dünya barışını desteklemeye yönelik bir iş birliğine yöneltmiştir. Bu dönemde Türkiye ve Brezilya'nın önemli roller üstlendiği üç diplomatik girişimden söz edilebilir. Bunlar; Türkiye-Brezilya-İran ortaklığında geliştirilen Tahran Deklarasyonu, her iki ülkenin de önemli paydaşlar olarak yer aldıkları Medeniyetler İttifakı Projesi ve Türkiye, Brezilya ve İsveç tarafından başlatılan Barış İnşasında Üçlü Dayanışma girişimidir. Bu çalışma, 2006 sonrası Türkiye-Brezilya ilişkilerini; ikili ilişkilerin ve karşılıklı bölgesel açılımların seyri çerçevesinde incelemektedir. 2006-2013 döneminde gelişen ilişkiler, 2013 sonrasında her alanda bir gerileyiş sürecine girmiştir. Bu çalışma, Brezilya'da ortaya çıkan ülke içi siyasal ve ekon omik sorunların yanı sıra coğrafi uzaklık ve ekonomik iş birliği potansiyelinin kısıtlı oluşunun ikiyükselen güç arasında kalıcı bir ortaklık kurulmasını zorlaştırdığını ortaya koymaktadır. ; During the first decade of the 2000s, Turkish foreign policy adopted the policy of opening towards the different regions of the world in order to develop political and economic relations. Within ...

Ibrāhīm al-Ḥalabī's (d. 956/1549) Multaqā al-abḥur, published in 1517, quickly became one of the most authoritative fiqh texts in the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman authors treated it just as fiqh text. In their early writings, Western scholars also represented the book to their audiences as a fiqh book. However, by the late seventeenth century onward, Western authors started to portray the book as a code of the state in the modern sense of a uniform law. Some Muslim scholars in the late nineteenth century fallowed the same path. Thus, the representation of the Multaqā shifted from being a fiqh text to a code of the state. This article traces the historical process of this shift and argues that viewing the Multaqā as a code of the state was a misrepresentation that emerged under the influence of the notion of a modern nation-state.

Social and economic conflicts bring along irregular migrations, which are risky and dangerous and lead to humanitarian movements on a global scale. Irregular migration movements increasingly have become a problem of identity, belonging and recognition, and bring with new areas of discussion. Irregular migration, which goes beyond being a phenomenon that nation states can control alone, is perceived as a security threat, especially by European countries, and restrictions are increased with revised migration policies. The blockage of legal routes increases the demand for illegal methods and makes migrant smuggling more apparent. On the other hand, the Mediterranean, which is used as a migration route to reach Europe, has almost become identified with the bodies washed ashore. The number of recorded deaths of migrants in the Mediterranean reveals that the phenomenon of migration is a matter of right to life beyond the political, economic, and social interests of the nation states and accelerated the discussion of the problem on different platforms. Based on this, the film Terraferma, which is about irregular migration over the Mediterranean, was examined as a research subject and analyzed using the dramaturgical analysis technique. The film has been thematically interpreted on the basis of the plot, main idea, assumption, conflicts and characters. Policies such as the fact that global inequalities put pressure on the developed countries with irregular migration on one hand, and the situation of ignoring the phenomenon of irregular migration with strict migration on the other have been evaluated together.

As epitomized by the invasion of Ukraine, the lasting geopolitical power struggle between the West and the rising nations, including Russia, has been dragging the international system towards polarization again. Its epicenter lies in the contest over the meaning of modernity that becomes particularly evident in the antagonistic attitudes towards sexual rights. Linking sexual rights to modernity has been counteracted by the discourse on traditional values. This article aims to critically examine Russia's advocacy of traditional values in the geopolitical context. Built on the tripartite of cultural authenticity, sovereignty, and anti-Westernism, the discourse of traditional values conveys the resistance to the imposition of liberal values regarding gender equality and sexual diversity as the constitutive parameters of modernity. The investigation extends beyond a simplistic unipolar or bipolar worldview and argues that Russia's stance is not merely counter-hegemonic against the West but also serves its imperialist aims as evidenced by its invasion of Ukraine.

Although slavery was a common practice in medieval Muslim societies, this subject had not been studied enough. Yet, scholars recently have begun to focus on the subject of slavery in the Muslim world, and produced new academic monographs about it. As a part of this fashion, in my paper, I will try to answer how slavery was perceived and practiced in Fātimid Egypt. Particularly, I will argue that the position of African black slaves in the Fātimid Empire goes beyond the simple dichotomy of free and un-free and of black slaves and white masters. Also, I will argue that even though African black slaves were subordinated and marginalized in the Fātimid Empire, they created new opportunities for themselves and advanced into the highest positions in the Fātimid state structure. Besides, I will argue that African black slaves (eunuchs, commanders, and concubines) were not a marginal group but a dominant one that played important roles in the Fātimid political life throughout its history.

Yönetişim, devlet yönetiminde geleneksel olana (kamu kurumlarının tekil aktörlüğüne) yeni bir seçenektir. Karar alma yetki ve gücünü merkezin dışına taşıyan yönetişim, müzakereye dayalı bir yönetimin ifadesi olarak kabul edilir. Bu yönüyle hem daha verimli hem de daha demokratik bir yönetimi ifade eder. Türkiye'de 2006 yılından itibaren kurulan kalkınma ajansları da yönetişim örneği olarak adlandırılır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, kalkınma ajanslarının yapısal düzenlemelerin dışında gerçek anlamda bir yönetişim örneği olup olmadığını güncel raporlar ışığında ortaya çıkarabilmektir ; Governance is a new alternative of the state's traditional forms of administration to the singular agent of public institutions. Governance, which carries decisionmaking authority and power out of the core, is considered a hallmark of administration based on negotiation. In this sense, it refers to both more democratic and more efficient form of administration. Turkish development agencies that have been established since 2006 are also labeled as an example of governance. The aim of this study is to demonstrate, beyond the structural adjustments, whether development agencies are examples of governance in real sense in the light of recent reports.

Çalışmada temel olarak Jacques Ranciere'in siyasal kavramına bakışı analiz edilmiştir. Düşünür, siyasetin polis arayışı karşısında siyasal olanı uyuşmazlık ve çatışma üzerinden kurmakta ve (liberal/temsili) demokratik pratikleri aşarak yeni bir demokrasi anlayışı geliştirmektedir. Düşüncesinin en önemli ayaklarından biri, bir düzeni ifade eden polis (police) olarak siyasetten (politics) uyuşmazlık ve eşitlik önkoşullu siyasal olana (political) geçişte demokratik mücadelenin önemini ortaya koymaktır. Demokrasi ile siyaset arasındaki bağı bilinen kavramların ötesinde yeniden tanımlayan Ranciere, siyasal-siyaset ve siyasa arasındaki ilişkiyi sorgulamamızı sağlar. Bu çalışma siyasa sürecine indirgenmiş siyasete karşı Ranciere'deki siyasal kavramının bir çıkış noktası olabileceğine dayanmaktadır. Ranciere'in demokrasiyi siyasal ilişkilerin temeline yerleştirerek açtığı yeni güzergah, yerleşik demokrasinin krizlerine üretilmiş felsefi cevaplardır. Ranciere açısından demokrasi, bir düzenin değil düzensizliğin ve siyasal öznelliğin eyleminin ismidir ; In the study, the political concept of Jacques Ranciere is analyzed through his own works and secondary recourses. The study underlines the priority of political concept in Ranciere's thought to make a new framework for recent issues on democratic debates. Ranciere thought is based on the differences between politics and political. He constitutes the political on disagreement and contradiction against the polis of politics. The political view of Ranciere is parallel with his democratic approach. He creates a new democratic thought beyond of the (liberal/representative) democratic practices. The most important part of his thought is to indicate the importance of democratic actions with focusing on political as the space of the disagreement and equality rather than politics that means the order. The political and democracy overlaps according to him, and they are both against the order or the established politics. Ranciere who redefines the relation between democracy and politics outside of the well-known concepts helps to rethink on the concepts of political-politics and policy. This study argues that the concept of political in Ranciere thought breaks the order of politics as policymaking. Ranciere who make a new path in political thought as putting on the democratic politics to the base of the politics gives philosophical answers to the crisis of the democracy. Democracy for Ranciere is not a form of state but it is the name of disagreement and the act of political subjectivity. So his arguments help to rethink the democracy and politics in contemporary debates especially in the efforts of social movements. He constitutes his own thought beyond the old ideologies like the demands of the movements. In doing this Ranciere makes a renewal on conceptual level and also make a new path to understand new political changing on practical.

Çalışmada temel olarak Jacques Ranciere'in siyasal kavramına bakışı analiz edilmiştir. Düşünür, siyasetin polis arayışı karşısında siyasal olanı uyuşmazlık ve çatışma üzerinden kurmakta ve (liberal/temsili) demokratik pratikleri aşarak yeni bir demokrasi anlayışı geliştirmektedir. Düşüncesinin en önemli ayaklarından biri, bir düzeni ifade eden polis (police) olarak siyasetten (politics) uyuşmazlık ve eşitlik önkoşullu siyasal olana (political) geçişte demokratik mücadelenin önemini ortaya koymaktır. Demokrasi ile siyaset arasındaki bağı bilinen kavramların ötesinde yeniden tanımlayan Ranciere, siyasal-siyaset ve siyasa arasındaki ilişkiyi sorgulamamızı sağlar. Bu çalışma siyasa sürecine indirgenmiş siyasete karşı Ranciere'deki siyasal kavramının bir çıkış noktası olabileceğine dayanmaktadır. Ranciere'in demokrasiyi siyasal ilişkilerin temeline yerleştirerek açtığı yeni güzergah, yerleşik demokrasinin krizlerine üretilmiş felsefi cevaplardır. Ranciere açısından demokrasi, bir düzenin değil düzensizliğin ve siyasal öznelliğin eyleminin ismidir. ; In the study, the political concept of Jacques Ranciere is analyzed through his own works and secondary recourses. The study underlines the priority of political concept in Ranciere's thought to make a new framework for recent issues on democratic debates. Ranciere thought is based on the differences between politics and political. He constitutes the political on disagreement and contradiction against the polis of politics. The political view of Ranciere is parallel with his democratic approach. He creates a new democratic thought beyond of the (liberal/representative) democratic practices. The most important part of his thought is to indicate the importance of democratic actions with focusing on political as the space of the disagreement and equality rather than politics that means the order. The political and democracy overlaps according to him, and they are both against the order or the established politics. Ranciere who redefines the relation between democracy and politics outside of the well-known concepts helps to rethink on the concepts of political-politics and policy. This study argues that the concept of political in Ranciere thought breaks the order of politics as policymaking. Ranciere who make a new path in political thought as putting on the democratic politics to the base of the politics gives philosophical answers to the crisis of the democracy. Democracy for Ranciere is not a form of state but it is the name of disagreement and the act of political subjectivity. So his arguments help to rethink the democracy and politics in contemporary debates especially in the efforts of social movements. He constitutes his own thought beyond the old ideologies like the demands of the movements. In doing this Ranciere makes a renewal on conceptual level and also make a new path to understand new political changing on practical.

The forced migration movement from Syria, which began in 2011, has brought about significant changes in civil society within Turkey. The already existing complex relationship between the state and civil society, is further diversified in the context of forced migration, presenting the need to focus on the provision of humanitarian assistance, access to services, and integration of Syrian refugees who are legally under temporary protection, without international refugee recognition. Furthermore, state-driven cross-border humanitarian operations and security-oriented state policies also shape this landscape. Therefore, the interplay between civil society actors –existing, government-supported, and newly emerging– and security-oriented state policies contributes to this transformation. Historical and political realities, alongside global-local crises, influence the trajectory of change within civil society, positioning authorities as pivotal decision-makers in managing individuals' movement. Through in-depth interviews in different cities of Turkey with NGOs and refugee-led civil society members in 2018, the article uncovers the formation and progression of relationships between civil society actors and the state, revealing adaptations and adjustments based on contextual circumstances. The article seeks to move beyond comprehensive liberal and developmental perspectives, instead focusing on the evolving dynamics of state control within migration-related civil society.