Suchergebnisse

Autor je u radu, na temelju dostupnih izvora, literature, sjećanja najbližih i suradnika fragmentarno prikazao život i rad prvog bjelovarsko-bilogorskoga župana Tihomira Trnskog. Njegovo je djelovanje kao profesora, branitelja, gospodarstvenika i političara 80-ih i 90-ih godina 20. stoljeća ostalo u sjećanju stanovnika grada Bjelovara i bjelovarskoga kraja. Vrijednost Tihomirovoga rada ogledala se prvenstveno u ljubavi prema struci, domovini i napretku svoga kraja. ; In this paper, the author has – based on available sources, literature, memories of his closest family members and associates – presented in fragments the life and work of the first Bjelovar-Bilogora county head Tihomir Trnski. His activities as teacher, war veteran, economic expert and politician in the 1980s and the 1990s have been well remembered by the inhabitants of the town of Bjelovar and its surroundings. The value of Tihomir Trnski's work is primarily reflected in the love for his profession, his homeland and the progress of his native region.

U članku je istražena biografija križevačkog ilirca i plemića Nikole Zdenčaja (1775–1854), pri čemu je naglasak stavljen na njegovo političko i kulturno djelovanje. Nikola Zdenčaj je tek rijetko bio u središtu znanstvenih i/ili stručnih istraživanja, pa će u ovom članku biti istražen i potvrđen njegov politički put u sklopu Ilirskog pokreta (Hrvatskog narodnog preporoda), a bit će pojašnjene i neke nejasnoće, kao i nedovoljno utvrđene činjenice. Cilj članka je, dakle, taj da osvijetli ulogu Nikole Zdenčaja tijekom Hrvatskog narodnog preporoda, ali i taj da osvijetli poziciju koju taj ilirac danas ima u historiografiji. ; This article explores the biography of an Illyrian and nobleman Nikola Zdenčaj (1775–1854), emphasizing his political and cultural activities. Nikola Zdenčaj was rarely at the centre of scientific and/or professional research, so this article will explore and confirm his political path within the Illyrian movement (Croatian National Revival), while also clarifying some ambiguities and insufficiently established facts. Therefore, this article aims to shed light on the role of Nikola Zdenčaj during the Croatian National Revival, as well as on the Illyrian's position in today's historiography.

Autori su pripremili za objavljivanje Političke uspomene Stjepana Zagorca, u kojima se taj istaknuti političar te katolički i starokatolički svećenik najviše osvrnuo na djelovanje Frana Supila. U uvodnome su dijelu analizirali Zagorčevu biografiju i kontekst u kojemu je izgradio svoju političku karijeru. Povezali su njegov politički put s ulogom Frana Supila, koji je u znatnoj mjeri pridonio promjenama u razvoju hrvatske politike na početku 20. stoljeća. Političke uspomene sagledali su kao prilog očuvanju sjećanja na Supila u javnoj memoriji međuratne Jugoslavije. ; The authors prepared the study Political Memories by Stjepan Zagorac for print. In this biography, this prominent politician and catholic / old catholic priest mostly focuses on Frano Supilo's work. In the introduction of the article, the authors analyse the biography and the context in which Zagorac built his political career. They point out his evolution (Christian socialism, being a member of various Party of Right groups and standing by the January Sixth Regime). The authors make a connection between Zagorac's political path and the role Frano Supilo played in significantly contributing to the changes in Croatian politics at the beginning of the 20th century. The memories confirm the connection between Zagorac and Supilo on the arrangement around drawing up the Rijeka Resolution, creating a Croat-Serb coalition and specific methods of communicating with Hungarian politicians. Despite the differences appearing in their relationship after 1908, they shared their opinions on using party concentrations, as well as on changing the dualistic system in the Austro- -Hungarian Monarchy which slowed down Croatia's development. The authors also saw Political memories as an opportunity to preserve more accounts about Frano Supilo in the public memory of interwar Yugoslavia.

U radu se analizira slika Josipa Lalića Poljubac Perasta, nastala oko 1930. za Associazione Nazionale Dalmata u Rimu, prema njezinoj kopiji iz Muzeja grada Perasta u Crnoj Gori. Il bacio di Perasto sažima kompleksnu umjetnikovu biografiju, opus i ideološka uporišta, kao i tradiciju talijanskog historijskog slikarstva 19. stoljeća. Dok se u dijelu suvremene talijanske literature ova slika pokušava prikazati kao simbol povijesnog, ideološkog i kulturnog kontinuiteta, u ovom radu ona se tumači kao pseudopovijesni konstrukt utemeljen na političkoj agendi vremena u kojem je nastala. ; The paper analyzes the painting by Josip Lalić Kiss of Perast, created around 1930 for the Associazione Nazionale Dalmata in Rome, according to its copy in the Perast Museum in Montenegro. Il bacio di Perasto summarizes the artist's complex biography, his oeuvre and ideological strongholds, as well as the tradition of Italian history painting of the 19th century. While contemporary Italian literature to a certain extent presents this painting as a symbol of historical, ideological and cultural continuity, in this paper it is interpreted as a pseudo-history construct based on the political agenda of the time in which it was created.

Bivšega policijskog upravitelja u Banjoj Luci i Sarajevu vlastodršci su krajem 1940. odabrali za ravnatelja zagrebačkoga redarstvenog ravnateljstva kao zamjenu za nepouzdanoga Josipa Vragovića. Svojim je iskustvom i oštrim pristupom prema neistomišljenicima političkoga poretka, prokušanim tijekom sedamnaestogodišnje policijske službe, trebao suspregnuti sve snažniju djelatnost komunističkih i ustaško-frankovačkih snaga u hrvatskoj metropoli neposredno pred početak ratnih operacija na ovim prostorima. U prilogu se nastoji približiti Vikertov profesionalni i privatni život uz iznošenje podataka o njegovoj povezanosti s onodobnim političkim strukturama, načinu ophođenja s protivnicima režima te najbližim suradnicima. Posebna je pozornost posvećena upravljanju policijom u Banjoj Luci, Sarajevu i Zagrebu, što je naposljetku i dovelo do toga da je samo nekoliko dana nakon uspostave Nezavisne Države Hrvatske postao jednom od za režim najnepoželjnijih osoba. ; Rikard Vikert (1889–1941) was the last chief of the Zagreb police before the beginning of World War II in this region. He remained at this post only for a short time. Despite this, immediately after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia, he was declared one of the most wanted persons of the new regime. The reasons for this were related to his earlier policing activities, especially his performance as the head of the Sarajevo police (1935–1940), when he was responsible for the cruel treatment of political dissidents of the old Yugoslav regime. He was trained to perform police duties as early as the time of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, acting as part of the armed forces, i.e. the gendarmerie, immediately after the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. He was well-accepted in centralist circles because he voluntarily left the Austro-Hungarian army and joined the Serbian army at the very beginning of the Great War. In this way, he gained the trust of Belgrade's political elites, which found him suitable for larger police tasks, due to the fact he was an educated officer. From 1923, he was employed by the Ministry of the Interior, and climbed the administrative ladder within the police apparatus. He experienced a professional zenith when he became the chief of the Zagreb police, where he tried to oppose the increasingly strong attempts of members of the Ustasha and communist movements to break the old order. After the entry of German forces into Yugoslavia and the proclamation of the puppet Independent State of Croatia, he and his associates fled Zagreb, trying to find refuge in Sarajevo. There, at the end of April 1941, he committed suicide while resisting an attempt of the Ustasha police to apprehend him.

Osvrt na život i djelo hrvatskoga književnika i političara Ante Tresića Pavičića (1867. – 1949.) osvjetljuje složenost hrvatske povijesti i književnosti u kulturno- političkim mijenama. Način na koji je Tresić Pavičić prikazivan u povijesnim i književnopovijesnim istraživanjima ukazuje na nestabilnu recepciju njegove važnosti. Ovaj prilog ocrtava žanrovsku raznovrsnost njegova književnoga doprinosa povijesti hrvatske književnosti, uzimajući u obzir i njegove političke pozicije. Danas je sazrelo vrijeme za objektivnu procjenu njegova opusa, od inovativnih do petrificirajućih estetičkih opredjeljenja. Biografija i bibliografija Ante Tresića Pavičića prepleće se s kanonskim pozicijama Marka Marulića s jedne i Vladimira Nazora s druge strane. Važan za povijest hrvatskoga epa, lirike, drame, te iznimno vrijedan putopisac, on zavrjeđuje kulturološku revalorizaciju. ; The overview of the life and work of the Croatian writer and politician Ante Tresić Pavičić (1867-1949) sheds light on the complexity of Croatian history and literature in the periods of cultural and political changes. His importance was given a mixed reception judging from he way in which Tresic Pavičić was presented in historical and literary and historical studies. This article outlines the genre diversity of his literary contribution to the history of Croatian literature, taking into account his political positions as well. The time has come today for an objective assessment of his opus, from his innovative to the established aesthetic convictions. The biography and bibliography of Ante Tresic Pavicic coincide with the canonical positions of Marko Marulić on the one hand and Vladimir Nazor on the other. Being important for the history of Croatian epic, poetry, drama, and also an extremely valuable travel writer, he deserves cultural re-evaluation.

Krajem sedamnaestog stoljeća, sve više »radikalnih mislilaca« počelo je govoriti o tome da su uobičajena shvaćanja boga nekoherentna, djetinjasta i antropomorfna, zbog čega su ih njihovi suvremenici smatrali ateistima iako ih danas vjerojatno nitko ne bi tako okarakterizirao. Jedno je sigurno – definicija je ateista imala različita značenja u različitim vremenima. Znamo da su zbog toga mnogi autori anonimno objavljivali svoja djela ili su ona objavljivana nakon njihove smrti, a jedan od takvih autora bio je i Jean Meslier. On je bio svećenik koji je napisao knjigu Testament, u kojoj je razvio temeljan materijalistički i ateistički pogled na svijet. Pored toga, napao je Crkvu, kršćanstvo, Isusa, boga, aristokraciju, monarhiju, »stari režim« itd. Rad analizira povijesni kontekst u kojem je Meslier živio, njegovu biografiju i stavove o politici, crkvi, etici, materijalizmu i ateizmu. ; During the end of the 17th century, more and more "radical thinkers" began to speak about how common understanding of god was being incoherent, childish, and anthropomorphic. Because of that, their contemporaries saw them as atheists, although today probably nobody would characterize them as such. One thing is for certain – the definition of atheist had different meanings in different times. We know that many authors published their works anonymously or after their death, and one of those writers was Jean Meslier. He was a priest who wrote a book titled Testament, in which he developed a thorough materialistic and atheistic worldview. Besides that, he attacked the Church, Christianity, Jesus, God, aristocracy, monarchy, "ancient regime" etc. The paper analyses historical context in which Meslier lived, his biography, and his thoughts on politics, Church, ethics, materialism, and atheism.

U radu se uz kratki politički portret političkog djelovanja Stjepana Radića tijekom Velikog rata (1914. — 1918.) autor fokusira na jedan povijesni izvor, odlomak iz memoara člana češke Maffie Hrvata i Dubrovčanina Rudolfa Giunia koji govori o "političkom preokretu" Stjepana Radića u proljeće 1918. godine iz habsburškog legitimista u pristašu južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja. Rad razmatra kako su taj izvor hrvatska i jugoslavenska historiografija tumačile i upotrebljavale. Prema izglednim pretpostavkama hrvatski povjesničar Bogdan Krizman pronašao je taj izvor krajem 1950-ih i često ga koristio u svojim radovima, uglavnom samo prepričavajući ili sažimajući njegov sadržaj, ali nikada ga ne navodeći u cjelini ili kao povijesnu građu u bilješkama. Stoga se ovdje taj odlomak iz Giunijevih memoara, koji govori o Radićevu djelovanju u to vrijeme, zbog njegove važnosti daje na kraju ovoga rada u prijepisu. Cjeloviti memoari R. Giunia čuvaju se u rukopisu u Nacionalnoj i sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Zagrebu. ; In addition to presenting a short political biography of Stjepan Radić and his political activities during the Great War (1914 — 1918), the author of this article focuses on one particular historical source: a paragraph from the memoirs of a member of Czech "Maffia" Rudolf Giunio, a Croat from Dubrovnik, in which he wrote about a "political turnabout" of Stjepan Radić in Spring 1918 – from legitimising the Habsburg system to a supporter of unification of South Slavs. This paper examines the existing interpretation of this source by Croatian and Yugoslav historiography so far. The author argues that Croatian historian Bogdan Krizman had often used Giunio's memoirs since 1950s by retelling or summarizing its contents, sometimes without fully acknowledging it as historical source. For this reason, the author publishes this paragraph of Giunio's memoirs in full at the end of this paper. The original manuscript of Giunio's memoirs are kept in National and University Library in Zagreb.

Na području između Burna i Tilurija odvijala se od 6. do 9. godine jedna od posljednjih faza delmatsko-panonskog ustanka. Taj ustanak, poznat pod imenom Bellum Batonianum, dobio je ime po Batonima, vođama pobunjenika. O kakvom se sukobu radilo i koliko je on uzdrmao rimsku državu najbolje svjedoče Svetonijeve riječi u Tiberijevoj biografiji (Suet. Tib. 16.1): .gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica. Tek je nakon savladavanja ustanika u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji moglo započeti razdoblje istinskoga mira (Pax Romana) koji je, osim toga, bio blagodatan i za Italiju kojoj je ova čuvala priobalne prilaze. Mirnodopsku blagodat na prostoru između Burna i Tilurija Rimljani su postigli strateškim razmještanjem legionarskih i pomoćnih vojnih jedinica. Ovaj rad želi istražiti da li u tome prostornom razmještaju trupa ima sustava i da li je u tome sustavu tijekom 1. stoljeća od značenja bio i raspored pomoćnih trupa. ; One of the last stages of the Delmataean-Pannonian rebellion took place in the area between Burnum and Tilurium between 6 and 9 AD. This revolt is known as the Bellum Batonianum, which was named after the two leaders of the rebellion. Suetonius' words in Tiberius's biography (Suet. Tib. 16.1) .gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica, best attest to the nature of the conflict and how much it affected the Roman state. In the Roman province of Dalmatia, true peace, the so-called Pax Romana, could have begun only after overpowering the rebels. This peace was also very beneficial to Italy, which was secured by Dalmatian coastal routes. The benefit of peace was achieved by the Romans through the strategic deployment of legionary and auxiliary military units in the area between Burnum and Tilurium. This paper seeks to explore whether the spatial arrangement of units had a certain system and whether the spatial arrangement of auxiliary units during the 1st century had any significance in that system.

Ovaj rad na temelju neobjavljenih izvora, periodike, tiskane građe te referentne literature donosi rekonstrukciju dijela biografije Mirka Buića, pravnika, poduzetnika, publicista te visokoga lokalnog i državnog dužnosnika za vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U profesionalnom smislu najdublji je trag ostavio u Trgovačko-obrtničkoj komori u Splitu, u kojoj je djelovao kao tajnik od kraja 1924. pa sve do sredine 1938. godine. Pred kraj međuratnoga razdoblja (1938. – 1939.) Buić je obnašao dužnosti splitskoga gradonačelnika, ministra tjelesnoga odgoja Kraljevine Jugoslavije te bana Primorske banovine. Njegova politička orijentacija bila je unitarno jugoslavenska i prorojalistička premda nije aktivno sudjelovao u stranačkom životu međuratnoga Splita. Buić je ostavio važan trag u splitskom sokolskom društvu, u kojem je imao rukovodeću ulogu između svjetskih ratova. ; On the basis of unpublished material, periodicals, and printed matter as well as reference literature, this paper offers a reconstruction of a part of the biography of Dr Mirko Buić, a prominent personality of public life in Split between the world wars. Buić's political orientation was unambiguously Yugoslav and pro-royalist, though he never actively participated on the political stage of interwar Split. In the professional sense, Buić left the deepest impression on the Chamber of Trades and Crafts in Split, where he acted as secretary from late 1924 to mid-1938, when he was appointed as the mayor of Split. For a short time, Buić served as the mayor of Split and the Minister of Physical Education of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Mirko Buić was the ban (governor) of the Littoral Banovina from September 1938 until the new administrative division of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the formation of the Banovina of Croatia were implemented following the Cvetković-Maček Agreement in August 1939. In addition to his professional work, Buić made a significant impression on the Sokol Society of Split, where he played a leading role through most of the interwar period. His short tenures as ban of the Littoral Banovina and mayor of Split were too brief for Buić to make significant changes, but he was nonetheless responsible for some noted initiatives in the economic field. After achieving the peak of his career in the late interwar period, when he was mayor, minister, and ban, the years of World War II were ones of hardship and uncertainty for Buić and his family. Buić's active participation in the advisory body of the People's Liberation Committee in Split in September 1943 helped him and his family reach the liberated territory of Vis. Near the end of the war he moved to Rome, where he lived out his remaining years.

Rad donosi podatke o Samueleu Mayländeru (1866. – 1925.), socijalističkom vođi kasnohabsburške Rijeke, i njegovoj obitelji. Mayländeri su bili podrijetlom židovi iz jugozapadne Ugarske, doseljeni u Rijeku krajem 19. stoljeća. Doseljeni Mayländeri uspješno seintegriraju i asimiliraju u riječko i sjevernojadransko građansko društvo, neki udajom za pripadnike građanskih obitelji i obraćenjem na katoličku vjeroispovijest, a drugi uspješnim poslovnim karijerama. Zbog pomanjkanja primarne građe teško je dati odgovor na jezične prakse među pripadnicima obitelji. Ipak, iz objavljenih nekrologa u riječkim novinama, dokumentacije iz gimnazijskih dana i bračnih veza može se zaključiti kako je obitelj bila višejezična. Istraživanje je biografije samoga Samuelea Mayländera problematično jer, također, ne posjedujemo građu iz koje možemo neposredno razabrati njegove političke, nacionalne ili vjerske preferencije. Svakako, Samuele Mayländer bio je socijalističkoga opredjeljenja, kasnije i prvi predsjednik Komunističke partije Rijeka, ali i ličnost koja je bila pod utjecajem dominantne riječke talijanske kulturne paradigme. Studij medicine u Beču, javna angažiranost i politička aktivnost ukazuju na Mayländerova opredjeljenja, ali, kao i ugarsko židovsko obiteljsko podrijetlo, i na njegovu višejezičnost. Na kraju, rad prati biografske podatke o Pavlu Kirchenknopfu, metalurškom radniku rodom iz Ugarske, koji početkom 20. stoljeća doseljava u Pulu i kasnije s obitelji u Rijeku. U Rijeci je Pavle Kirchenknopf označen kao socijalistički, odnosno komunistički aktivist i takav zapamćen od lokalne historiografije. Biografija Pavla Kirchenknopfa korisna je za propitkivanje spoznaja o osobama radničkoga podrijetla i pitanja njihovih jezičnih praksi. Prema sporadičnoj građi, iz matičnih knjiga rođenih u Puli i migracijama Kirchenknopfa može se pretpostaviti kako se obitelj služila s više jezika. Zaključno, rad ukazuje na to kako pored pitanja višejezičnosti, socijalne i ekonomske teškoće trebaju biti uzete u obzir u društvenim i kulturnim povijestima sjevernoga Jadrana u kasnohabsburškom razdoblju, teškoće koje ostaju u pozadini idealiziranjem višejezičnoga habsburškog svijeta. ; The article provides data on Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925), socialist leader in late Habsburg Fiume/Rijeka, and his family. The Mayländer family were Jews from southwestern Hungary who had settled in Rijeka at the end of the nineteenth century. Following their move, the Mayländers successfully integrated and assimilated into the bourgeois society of Fiume/Rijeka and the northern Adriatic, some marrying members of bourgeois families and converting to Roman Catholicism, others having successful professional careers. The lack of primary sources makes it difficult to delineate language use among members of the family. However, through quoted obituaries in Rijeka's newspapers, data of the local gymnasium, and marriages, it can be concluded that the family was multilingual. Research on Samuele Mayländer's biography in particular is problematic since, again, there are no primary sources to understand his national, religious, or political preferences. However, it is clear that Samuele was a dedicated socialist. Later in life, he was the first president of Fiume/Rijeka's communist party, but also someone under the influence of Fiume/ Rijeka's dominant Italian cultural paradigm. His medical studies in Vienna, his public engagement and political activities, display Mayländer's sympathies, but also his Hungarian Jewish family background, his multilingualism. Finally, the article follows the biographic data of Paolo Kirchenknopf, a metal worker from Hungary who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, emigrated to Pula, and with his family later moved to Fiume/Rijeka. In Fiume/Rijeka, Kirchenknopf is marked as a socialist – more precisely as a communist activist – and is remembered as such in local historiography. The biography of Kirchenknopf is useful in that it allows one to gain knowledge about figures from working-class backgrounds and their linguistic practices. Based on various, scattered sources – from records of birth in Pula and Kirchenknopf's migrations – it can be estimated that this family used more than one language. In conclusion, the article points out how, aside from the question of multilingualism, social and economic difficulties have to be taken into account in the social and cultural histories of the northern Adriatic in the late Habsburg period – difficulties that remain in the background by idealizing the multilinguistic Habsburg world. ; Il saggio offre notizie su Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925) leader socialista della Fiume tardo asburgica e sulla sua famiglia. I Mayländer erano ebrei originari dall'Ungheria sudoccidentale, immigrati a Fiume verso la fine del 19 secolo. Gli immigrati Mayländer si integrano e assimilano con successo nella società borghese fiumana e nord adriatica alcuni sposandosi con membri di famiglie borghesi e convertendosi al cattolicesimo, altri intraprendendo carriere di successo. Causa la mancanza di fonti primarie è difficile desumere le pratiche linguistiche dei membri della famiglia. Tramite necrologi pubblicati nei giornali fiumani, documenti del periodo ginnasiale e i matrimoni, è possibile desumere che la famiglia era plurilinguistica. La ricerca sulla biografia di Samuele Mayländer è pure problematica perché non possediamo documentazione che possa in modo diretto farci desumere le sue preferenze politiche, nazionali, religiose o politiche. Certamente, Samuele Mayländer si considerava socialista, successivamente fu primo presidente del Partito comunista di Fiume, ma anche una personalità influenzata dal paradigma culturale italiano fiumano. Lo studio di medicina a Vienna, l'impegno pubblico e l'attività politica, dimostrano le simpatie del Mayländer ma, come le sue origini famigliari ebraiche ungheresi, anche il suo plurilinguismo. Infine, l'articolo segue i dati biografici su Paolo Kirchenkopf, operaio metallurgico originario dall'Ungheria che all'inizio del 20 secolo emigra a Pola e di seguito, con la famiglia, a Fiume. A Fiume Paolo Kirchenkopf è etichettato come attivista socialista ossia comunista e come tale ricordato dalla locale storiografia. La biografia di Paolo Kirchenkopf è utile per conoscere le biografie delle persone di estrazione operaia e la questione della loro passi linguistica. In base a documentazione sporadica, libri di nascita di Pola e le migrazioni dei Kirchenknopf, si può ipotizzare che la famiglia si serviva di più lingue. In conclusione, il lavoro indica come accanto alla questione del plurilinguismo le difficoltà sociali ed economiche devono essere prese in considerazione nelle storie sociali e culturali dell'alto Adriatico nel tardo periodo asburgico, difficoltà che rimangonoi sullo sfondo dell'idealizzato mondo plurilinguistico asburgico.