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This paper discusses the formation of the Federation of Malaysia and the Indonesian objection to it from the perspective of the bipolar international system. The confrontation policy launched by Indonesia in September 1963 ended in April 1967 when Suharto became president. Why did the policy and bilateral relation change after the fall of Sukarno? We assess that the systemic factor strongly influenced the Indonesian policy towards Malaysia. The bilateral relations between the two countries shifted after April 1967 as a result of the changes that took place in Indonesian domestic politics. Western powers, especially the United States, had supported Suharto's ascension to power, with the purpose of avoiding the formation of a communist state in the region. This paper demonstrates that the systemic structure has strongly influenced the Indonesian policy towards Malaysia. The changes in the domestic politics of Indonesia could be considered a part of the United States' strategy of blocking communism from spreading in Southeast Asia.

The term 'internat'l system' is defined as put forward by Stanley Hoffman in J. Conflict Resolution, 1961, p. 207, & the use of the system approach is defined. It is stated that a number of important relationships among nations show patterns which could be labeled `polycentric,' while 'bipolarity' is evident in the nuclear arms race & the tense relationship between the US & the USSR. An alternative pattern-image more adaptable to the dynamics & complexity of current events is suggested, because it combines bipolar with polycentric patterns. Previous transions & futuristic models put forward by M. Kaplan & R. Masters are examined & discussed. The importance of a 'middle ground between the broad brushstroke of singlecause theories & the pointillistic, n-number images that emerge, for example, from case study treatments of diplomatic history' is pointed out. In the effort to find adequate concepts for contemporary situations, 4 types of patterns emerge: (a) symmetrical, (b) asymmetrical, (c) hetero-symmetrical, & (d) hetero-asymmetrical. These patterns are defined & illustrated in a graph. The `rules' of the contemporary internat'1 system are found to be largely stability-oriented & system-dominant. A distinction is made between rules for specific functions, ie, for maintaining military-strategic stability, & rules inherent in the nature of diplomatic activity & bargaining relationships. The advantages of applying the symmetry concept to define functional areas of the internat'l system are stated to lie in the fact that it provides abstractions which can be fitted to suit the transitional course of historical events & that it is not as confining as the bipolar & polycentric systems. The suggested system patterns are considered guideposts for empirical investigations of the shifting, overlapping & sometimes contradictory contemporary pol'al phenomena. M. Maxfield.

EN: This work studies theoretical problems of international relations development in conditions of globalization. Main factors of humanization of current international relations system are characterized. There is represented complex analysis of modern national diplomacy as one of the main factors of international relations humanization. The analysis of CIS countries' modern politics in the context of international relations humanization. It is concluded that there are enough opportunities for humanization process in modern international relations. ES: Este trabajo estudia los problemas teóricos del desarrollo de las relaciones internacionales en condiciones de globalización. Se caracterizan los principales factores de humanización del actual sistema de relaciones internacionales. Existe un análisis complejo representado de la diplomacia nacional moderna como uno de los principales factores de la humanización de las relaciones internacionales. El análisis de la política moderna de los países de la CEI en el contexto de la humanización de las relaciones internacionales. Se concluye que hay suficientes oportunidades para el proceso de humanización en las relaciones internacionales modernas.

This paper examines the development of African regional media system development in the period after Cold War, including contemporary situation, both from political perspective. It is characterized primarily by the fact that Africa ceased to be an arena of confrontation between the communist and capitalist worlds, but instead it became a place for international competition for the influence on the continent between the "old" and "new" global players, mainly, between the USA, Europe and China. This struggle is manifested in high level of attention for the creation and support by main actors of various channels of influence on African audiences by mass media (both traditional — foreign broadcasting by radio and television, and Internet platforms — websites, online broadcasting, social media). Secondly, there is an attempt by the African media environment to create Pan-African media, which, being guided by commercial needs and operated in conditions of liberalized information space, are quite successful, unlike the failed projects that took place during the Cold War, being politically motivated and existed in a largely undemocratic environment. Authors argue that there are distinct sub-regional media systems that coincide with the borders of the former colonial empires. Their existence is both colonial legacy (common language, cultural ties, etc.), and a result of contemporary of media influence of the former metropolises.

This paper examines the development of African regional media system development in the period after Cold War, including contemporary situation, both from political perspective. It is characterized primarily by the fact that Africa ceased to be an arena of confrontation between the communist and capitalist worlds, but instead it became a place for international competition for the influence on the continent between the "old" and "new" global players, mainly, between the USA, Europe and China. This struggle is manifested in high level of attention for the creation and support by main actors of various channels of influence on African audiences by mass media (both traditional — foreign broadcasting by radio and television, and Internet platforms — websites, online broadcasting, social media). Secondly, there is an attempt by the African media environment to create Pan-African media, which, being guided by commercial needs and operated in conditions of liberalized information space, are quite successful, unlike the failed projects that took place during the Cold War, being politically motivated and existed in a largely undemocratic environment. Authors argue that there are distinct sub-regional media systems that coincide with the borders of the former colonial empires. Their existence is both colonial legacy (common language, cultural ties, etc.), and a result of contemporary of media influence of the former metropolises.

Turkey's foreign policy in the first decade after the collapse of the bipolar system retained features of its continuity in comparison with the Cold War: the Kemalist principles of laicism and the choice in favor of further Westernization, with its orientation towards cooperation with the EU and Euro-Atlantic structures remained firmly in place. However, the post-bipolar period demonstrated a significant change in Turkey's foreign policy. The existing explanations for this phenomenon often start either from the appeal to the Islamic identity of the Justice and Development Party as the main reason for the changes, or from the approaches that prioritize Turkey's economic interests and emphasize Turkey's attempts to strengthen economic interdependence with neighbors in the region. Given the increasing complexity of the domestic and foreign policy nexus and the increasingly fluid characteristics of the international environment, it seems that an analysis of Turkish foreign policy in the post-bipolar period requires an alternative conceptual and methodological approach that allows the changes in Turkey's foreign policy to be viewed along three dimensions. In this article, the author resorts to just such an approach. It includes the study of domestic policy, the international context and the transformation of the ideological and institutional support of foreign policy. This approach makes it possible to explain the logic of Turkey's «sudden» reorientation from cooperation with the EU and Western countries in general to attempts to consolidate its leading role in the Middle East and establish itself as a regional hegemon in relation to situational alliances with various state and non-state actors in the broader international context.