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In recent decades, sociological studies of black males and of black masculinity in America unfolded with great rapidity. In the 1960s, sociological studies of black males gained currency. Much of their focus has been on the problematic state of black males in education, employment, family life, peer and social relations, and within criminal justice systems. That tradition moved from employing a social problems lens for researching black men to documenting how their efforts in these and other spheres of life reflect creativity and efficacy as much as malaise and despair. Emerging several decades later in sociology, black masculinity studies began with an emphasis on how black males contended with hegemonic masculinity. This tradition moved to explore how sexual, socioeconomic, and other variations in the black male experience elucidated vulnerability as a common feature of that experience, as well as to more extensive visions of black masculinity. New research questions stand before both traditions that constitute the twenty-first-century agenda.

Im dominanten neoliberalen Kontext gerät die Frage der Dekolonisierung - im materiellen Sinn - oft in den Hintergrund antirassistischer Politiken. Wie radikale Schwarze feministische Zusammenhänge historisch sowie gegenwärtig einfordern, ist die Frage der Dekolonisierung in Kämpfen gegen Rassismus jedoch zentral. In diesem Sinne behandelt mein Artikel die Frage der antikolonialen Ausrichtung der Schwarzen Frauenbewegung in Deutschland: An welchen Stellen werden vergeschlechtlichte Manifestationen anti-Schwarzen Rassismus mit der Frage neokolonialer Grenzregime, die an der Basis heteropatriarchaler anti-Schwarzer Strukturen ist, in Verbindung gebracht? Es zeigt sich, dass das panafrikanische Erbe des transnationalen Schwarzen Feminismus antikoloniale Praxis fest in die Schwarze feministische Bewegungsgeschichte in Deutschland einschreibt. Insbesondere der Feminismus der Grenze, den Schwarze geflüchtete Frauen, Lesben, Non-Binarys, Queers, Inter und Trans aus afrikanischen Kontexten praktizieren, spielt hier eine tragende Rolle. Ihre situierte Kritik an der Struktur der Grenzregime erweist sich für eine antikoloniale Schwarze feministische Praxis als richtungsweisend und befördert die Entfaltung des widerständigen solidarischen Raums des Schwarzen Mittelmeers.

AbstractThe Black Church is the oldest social institution in the Black community and has played a significant role in the Black American experience by offering a space to develop Black oppositional consciousness. Despite the strong Black Christian tradition, a comprehensive review of the sociological literature on Black Christianity has yet to be conducted. The present article surveys extant literature and finds that two major frames are utilized when analyzing Black Christianity: (a) the Institutional‐level frame, which focuses on the Black Church as a social and cultural space, and (b) the Ideological‐level frame, which sees Black Christianity as a set of racialized attitudes, values, and beliefs. I rely on Avishai's concept of "Doing Religion" to argue the case for a new approach in framing this research and propose the use of an Individual‐level frame, which considers the agency of Black Christian actors by examining how they construct identity and embody faith. To illustrate the usefulness of the new frame, I provide an exemplar of Black Christian activist Bree Newsome Bass, highlighting the ways her faith informs her activism. By shifting the focus away from the Black Church as an institution and Black Christianity as an ideology, and instead centering the mechanisms Black Christian actors use to incorporate their faith into their everyday lives, sociological research on Black Christianity will be better equipped to provide insights into how religion informs racialized experiences in society.

While an abundance of research focuses on how Black American entrepreneurs respond to systemic racism, less attention has been paid to examining how Black entrepreneurs outside the United States respond. This research addresses the extent to which entrepreneurship is a response to systematic racism, and "Black" businesses exist in a "color-blind" society. I examine Brazil because of its color-blind racial ideology; moreover, Afro-Brazilians comprise 54 percent of the country's population and 50 percent of its entrepreneurs. Through participant observation and in-depth interviews at 28 Black-owned businesses, I find Afro-Brazilians challenge anti-Blackness through a process I call aquilombamento. As a method of entrepreneurial placemaking, I argue that aquilombamento enables Afro-Brazilian entrepreneurs to intentionally construct culturally significant physical spaces that openly resist and challenge the existing racial order. Aquilombamento functions through three mechanisms: (1) the entrepreneurs make Black culture readily perceivable, (2) the entrepreneurs center Black knowledge and understanding, and (3) the entrepreneurs conceive a community. In explicating aquilombamento, I illustrate an economic and symbolic value system that privileges Blackness in a "color-blind" society. I identify a critical distinction between Black-owned businesses and Black businesses. And, I underscore the important role of entrepreneurs in Black placemaking.

An examination of the impact of black feminist organizing on the agenda of the June 2003 meeting of the Black Radical Congress (BRC) focuses on four pivotal areas of the black feminist approach: remaining organically tied to communities; internationalism; dynamism in social movements; & integrated analysis. Congress participants included representatives from a wide variety of groups/organizations who addressed issues like how to translate the black community's anti-war sentiment into effective action; ways to link social justice issues to anti-war efforts; & consequences of the US military occupation of Iraq. Local struggles were addressed in relation to humanist struggles in Africa, Palestine, Lebanon, & Iraq. The black feminist emphasis on the need to recognize that organizing must be "dynamic & ever-changing" was evident in the collective, nonhierarchical approach used to organize the meeting. Although there was a call for educational work to show how Bush pro-war policies deepen gender, race, & class inequalities, more political education is necessary to make integrated analysis an important part of organizations like the BRC. 22 References. J. Lindroth