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Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO. ; Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO.

The EU Marine Strategy Directive (2008/56/EC) proposes four marine regions as a political geographic framework for implementation of the Community's environmental policy. This study critically analyzes the state-based approach, which the Directive uses to outline the regions' boundaries. It suggests that environmental sustainability of marine odies strongly depends on the geographic congruence between their watersheds and the borders of the respective environmental management system, i.e., marine regions have to be environmentally managed within their watersheds. The proposed watershed-based approach also takes into consideration all elements – water, land, and air – of marine regions, which is a conditio sine qua non for their integrated and sustainable management. In the case of the Black Sea region in particular, the borders of a watershed-based environmental management system include a much wider set of stakeholder countries and enable a higher level of environmental cooperation among them. ; Direktiva marinske strategije Europske unije (2008/56/EC) predlaže četiri marinska područja kao političko geografski okvir za primjenu politike o zaštiti okoliša u Europskoj uniji. Ovaj rad kritički analizira pristup koji se temelji na državnim granicama, a kojim se Direktiva koristi za određivanje granica regija. Autor također smatra da održivost okoliša u marinskim područjima uvelike ovisi o geografskom podudaranju između pojedinih sljevova i granicama njihovih sustava upravljanja okolišem, tj. okolišem u marinskim područjima treba upravljati unutar njihovih sljevova. Predloženi pristup koji se temelji na granicama sljevova također u obzir uzima sve elemente marinskih sustava (voda, zemlja i zrak), koji su conditio sine qua non za integralno i održivo upravljanje. Crno more je dobar primjer u kojem sustav upravljanja okolišem koji je određen granicama slijeva uključuje puno veći broj zemalja dionika te omogućuje višu razinu suradnje među zemljama vezano uz upravljanje okolišem.

The author describes historical & contemporary geopolitical position of the Black Sea region. Up to the present times the primary significance of the region has lain in its trade routes & other transit communications that connect Europe, the Middle East & Asia. Having such geografic position the region has been an interest sphere of great powers & regional states & conquerors. Today most of states of the Black Sea region are economically poor, have unstable political systems & burdened with constant & potential explosive problems. References. Adapted from the source document.

Knjiga je nastala na temelju rukopisa njezina zapovjednika kapetana bojnog broda Andre Vrkljana. Vrkljanov "ratni dnevnik" nastao je tijekom 70-ih i 80-ih godina 20. stoljeća na temelju sjećanja, zabilješki, istraživanja i dopisivanja s nekadašnjim legionarima. Poslije napada nacističke Njemačke na Sovjetski Savez 22. lipnja 1941, u borbe na Istoku uključila se i Nezavisna Država Hrvatska. Iako nije službeno navijestio rat Sovjetskom Savezu, poglavnik NDH Ante Pavelić na istočno je bojište uputio dobrovoljačke postrojbe okupljene pod zajedničkim imenom Hrvatska legija. Time su se priključili brojnim postrojbama koje su njemački saveznici ili okupirane europske zemlje slale kao pomoć u Hitlerovom pohodu protiv boljševizma, kako ga je tumačila nacistička propaganda

Sve je uobičajenije za web aplikacije i poslužitelje za pohranu podataka rukovanje putem programskog rješenja u oblaku; stoga je sve veći broj ljudi koji svoje privatne podatke stavljaju na internet, motivirajući istraživanje mogućnosti programskog rješenja u oblaku, sigurnosti baza podataka i kodiranih nadležnosti. U procjeni Open Web Application Security Project (OWASP)-a, ubacivanje SQL-a jedan je od najopasnijih napadnih vektora na sigurnost interneta. Imajući to u vidu, uveli smo sustav nazvan sustav za probijanje sigurnosti web mjesta, koji pokreće algoritam za pretraživanje weba kako bi analizirao propuste na zaštiti URL-a i adresa e-pošte ispitivanjem crnih kutija web mjesta 20 poznatih sveučilišta. Na temelju naših podataka, održavatelji akademskih web mjesta mogu saznati kakvoj su opasnosti izloženi, kojim URL-ovima prijeti veća opasnost i što učiniti kako bi uredili web stranicu za zaštitu od ranjivosti i sprijećili napade na akademske resurse. Nadamo se da će se u budućnosti veća pažnja posvetiti sigurnosti informacija na akademskim mrežama, kako se to danas čini s komercijalnim i vladinim mrežama. ; It is becoming increasingly common for web application and data storage services to be handled by cloud computing; therefore, more and more people are putting their private information on the internet, motivating research into cloud computing, database security and authority encryption. In the Open Web Application Security Project (OWASP) assessment, SQL injection is one of the most dangerous attack vectors in internet security. With this in mind, we have implemented a system named the website security mining system, which leverages a web crawling algorithm to analyze web URL and e-mail address leaks through black-box testing of 20 well-known universities' websites. Based on our data, academic website maintainers can be clearly informed about what kind of danger they are exposed to, which URLs are highly in danger, and the need to patch the website to protect against vulnerabilities and prevent academic resources from attacks. We hope that in the future, academic networks will gain more attention in the information security community, just like commercial and government networks today.

The author analyzes the symbolism of the concepts such as stick, rod, club & birch in the metaphorical political terminology. The author shows that these symbols are present not only in the language of Western political philosophy but also in non-Western cultures, though their connotations vary. They are reminiscent of a phallus, a warrior's spear & arrow, a cudgel that a master uses on his disobedient slaves & family members, a shepherd's staff for managing his herd, & the accoutrements used both in black & white magic. Adapted from the source document.

Jugoslavenske novine izvještavaju svoje čitatelje o američkom građanskom pokretu. Novine govore o pokretu u njegovom političkom, ekonomskom, društvenom, kulturnom i sportskom kontekstu. U političkom kontekstu novine pišu o Kingu i njegovim umjerenim metodama borbe za građanska prava, ali i o metodama radikalnijih Afroamerikanaca. te kako raste politička moć afroameričkog društva. Iznosi se djelovanje američke visoke politike, koja u različitim prilikama zauzima ili proafroameričke stavove, ili antiafroameričke stavove. Ekonomski položaj afroameričkog društva se prikazuje kroz društvene probleme. Novine iz različitih vremenskih perioda iznose članke koji se bave rasnim nemirima koji su bili aktualni prikazujući ih kao reakcijom društva koje je diskriminirano i stavljeno u inferioran položaj od strane vlasti, institucija, policije i generalno bjelačke populacije. Čitateljima jugoslavenskih novina poznata je uloga sportaša, književnika i pjevača koji su predstavljali simbol afroameričkog jedinstva i moći, otpora represiji i diskriminaciji za generalnu afroameričku javnost. O relevantnosti afroameričkog problema u daljnjim godinama govore novine člancima kojima obilježavaju važne obljetnice pokreta i ocjenjuju (ne)napredak koji je afroameričko društvo postiglo u borbi za jednakopravnost. ; Yugoslavian newspapers do report to their readers about civil rights movement. Newspapers talk about movement in political, economical, social, cultural and sports context. In political context newspapers represent King and his moderate methods of fighting for civil rights, but also more radical methods by other African Americans. They also write about the growth of political power of African Americans. There is talks about the influence of american high politics and how it takes pro-black or anti-black stances. The economical power of African Americans is shown through social issues. Newspapers from different periods of time talk about racial riots which illustrate to readers the discrimination and repression of the African ...

This article will explain why Russia annexed Crimea and is destabilizing eastern Ukraine. To do this, three different theoretical approaches on various levels of analysis will be used. It will be examined how far the expansion of NATO, as well as that of the European Union (Theory of Neorealism), was a motive for Russia's action. NATO's enlargement is analysed predominantly. In addition, politicalpsychological motivations of the Russian leadership are considered. But it is also analysed whether Russia's pure power interests have played a role (Theory of Realism). The focus here is on the Russian naval base in Crimea. It is necessary to examine whether preserving its fleet in the Black Sea was a motive for Moscow to annex the Crimean peninsula. ; This article will explain why Russia annexed Crimea and is destabilizing eastern Ukraine. To do this, three different theoretical approaches on various levels of analysis will be used. It will be examined how far the expansion of NATO, as well as that of the European Union (Theory of Neorealism), was a motive for Russia's action. NATO's enlargement is analysed predominantly. In addition, politicalpsychological motivations of the Russian leadership are considered. But it is also analysed whether Russia's pure power interests have played a role (Theory of Realism). The focus here is on the Russian naval base in Crimea. It is necessary to examine whether preserving its fleet in the Black Sea was a motive for Moscow to annex the Crimean peninsula.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

Does the division between "red" and "black" Croatia exist not only in ideological space but in actual geographical space? Which factors are associated with local and regional political behavior and political identities? This article uses spatial analysis to provide answers to these questions. Visual analysis is used as are multivariate models based on the idea of spatial dependence, i.e. spatial clustering and agglomeration. Units of analysis are municipalities and cities in Croatia. The analysis suggests that the most relevant factors are prior political choices of a locale and the political preferences of neighboring locales. Economic and demographic factors are not unimportant but are weaker determinants of the political choices of a county or city. The analysis suggests a high degree of local and regional fortification of political parties. The space for political competition is comparatively open in Slavonia, especially in its northwestern part. Adapted from the source document.