Tema del mes ; La música, como todas las artes, se encuentra impregnada de los contextos políticos y culturales que la generaron. Esto se encuentra dado mediante una relación bidireccional, en la cual dos elementos absorben una cosa del otro: el sujeto de la comunidad y la comunidad del sujeto. Ya que la música nació en África, necesariamente habla de la cultura negra, así que cualquier subgénero nos muestra un poco de ella y más aún de todo lo que ha sufrido su gente, entre ello, de la esclavitud ; Music, as the other fine arts, in impregnated with the political and cultural contexts that generated it. This is given by a bidirectional relationship, in which two elements absorb one thing from the other: the subject from the community and the community from the subject. Since music was born in Africa, it necessarily speaks about black culture. Thereafter, any musical subgender can show us a part of this continent, as well as the suffering that its people have been trough
Tema del mes ; La música, como todas las artes, se encuentra impregnada de los contextos políticos y culturales que la generaron. Esto se encuentra dado mediante una relación bidireccional, en la cual dos elementos absorben una cosa del otro: el sujeto de la comunidad y la comunidad del sujeto. Ya que la música nació en África, necesariamente habla de la cultura negra, así que cualquier subgénero nos muestra un poco de ella y más aún de todo lo que ha sufrido su gente, entre ello, de la esclavitud ; Music, as the other fine arts, in impregnated with the political and cultural contexts that generated it. This is given by a bidirectional relationship, in which two elements absorb one thing from the other: the subject from the community and the community from the subject. Since music was born in Africa, it necessarily speaks about black culture. Thereafter, any musical subgender can show us a part of this continent, as well as the suffering that its people have been trough
[RESUMEN]Nuestro imaginario colectivo de la democracia es eminentemente positivo y suele estar conectado a otros imaginarios como el de la transparencia, el de la tecnología y el entretenimiento, que también tendemos a imaginar vinculados positivamente entre sí. Sin embargo, la realidad de la democracia en sí misma, así como su relación con los imaginarios a los que ésta está conectada, es paradójica. En este artículo queremos mostrar cómo la teleserie inglesa Black Mirror, un producto de entretenimiento pop, permite una reflexión crítica acerca de las paradojas que ésta misma entraña. Lo haremos mostrando en qué medida los episodios 1.2 ("Fifteen Million Merits") y 2.3. ("The Waldo Moment") de Black Mirror permiten, mediante un análisis hermenéutico de los imaginarios sociales cristalizados en el texto audiovisual, entender, de un modo propedéutico, determinados pasajes de los pensamientos derridiano y luhmanniano, respectivamente, acerca de la democracia. ; [ABSTRACT] Our collective imaginary of democracy is eminently positive and usually connected to other imaginaries such as transparency, technology or entertainment, which we also tend to imagine as positively linked. Anyway, facts on democracy are themselves paradoxical, and paradoxical is also its relation to those other imaginaries. In this article we show how the english TV series Black Mirror, a product of pop entertainment, allows a critical reflection on the paradoxes that democracy entails. We will do so by showing how the episodes 1.2 ("Fifteen Million Merits") and 2.3. ("The Waldo Moment") allow to understand, through an hermeneutic analysis of the social imaginary crystallized in the audiovisual text, certain passages of Derridanian and Luhmannian respective thoughts about democracy
Our collective imaginary of democracy is eminently positive and usually connected to other imaginaries such as transparency, technology or entertainment, which we also tend to imagine as positively linked. Anyway, facts on democracy are themselves paradoxical, and paradoxical is also its relation to those other imaginaries. In this article we show how the english TV series Black Mirror, a product of pop entertainment, allows a critical reflection on the paradoxes that democracy entails. We will do so by showing how the episodes 1.2 ("Fifteen Million Merits") and 2.3. ("The Waldo Moment") allow to understand, through an hermeneutic analysis of the social imaginary crystallized in the audiovisual text, certain passages of Derridanian and Luhmannian respective thoughts about democracy ; Nuestro imaginario colectivo de la democracia es eminentemente positivo y suele estar conectado a otros imaginarios como el de la transparencia, el de la tecnología y el entretenimiento, que también tendemos a imaginar vinculados positivamente entre sí. Sin embargo, la realidad de la democracia en sí misma, así como su relación con los imaginarios a los que ésta está conectada, es paradójica. En este artículo queremos mostrar cómo la teleserie inglesa Black Mirror, un producto de entretenimiento pop, permite una reflexión crítica acerca de las paradojas que ésta misma entraña. Lo haremos mostrando en qué medida los episodios 1.2 ("Fifteen Million Merits") y 2.3. ("The Waldo Moment") de Black Mirror permiten, mediante un análisis hermenéutico de los imaginarios sociales cristalizados en el texto audiovisual, entender, de un modo propedéutico, determinados pasajes de los pensamientos derridiano y luhmanniano, respectivamente, acerca de la democracia.
The article seeks to demonstrate that the changing and diverse ideas of "freedom" allow us to see and contrast the historical change in the social representation of (referred as) "black" people. First, we start with the analysis of the differentiation that existed in the 15th and 16th centuries between the black and Ethiopian voices that were not synonymous, and whose differentiation and historical change invites us to look more carefully at the social images of the Spanish Golden Age, and establish contrasts with the American Baroque. Then we analyze the enlightened and romantic representations constructed throughout the 18th century, that injected the factor of "passions" and the absence / presence of "spirit" into the ideas of humanization / dehumanization of "blacks"; the existence of people with overflowing passions and spiritual poverty would lead to the emergence of new legitimizing factors to exercise government, control, and enslavement. Next, it will be suggested that the development of natural history, zoology, anatomy, and human and animal physiology converged with the postcolonial transition, leading to the construction of an image of the "black" increasingly related to the manumission, but also with the re-presentation of a neo-savage black, and with the role that this same outburst would have in the colonial wars in America and in the liberation of the new nations. The political liberation is inseparable from corporal, spiritual, and passionate liberation, and in this way the autonomous government of the body and the spirit would affect the construction of a national project that tended to see an exuberant, animalistic and neo-savage (black) body. Through this long-term historical panorama, we want to demonstrate that the image of "the black" has been a stage of "struggles of representation" where new meanings, uses, and functions of "the black" were constantly released and captivated, and that at the same time they were (are they?) generating new ideas on how to liberate and captivate that Other –said- black whose freedom has been (from various, diverse, hegemonic, and contradictory points of view) historically questioned. ; El texto busca demostrar que las ideas cambiantes y diversas de libertad permiten ver y contrastar el cambio histórico de la representación social de la gente denominada "negra". Como primera medida se analiza la diferenciación que existió en los siglos xv y xvi de las voces negro y etíope, que no sinónimos, y cuya diferenciación y cambio histórico nos invita a mirar con más atención las imágenes sociales del siglo de oro español y a establecer contrastes con el barroco americano. Después se analizan las representaciones, ilustradas y románticas, construidas durante el siglo xviii que inyectaron el factor de las "pasiones" y de la ausencia/presencia de "espíritu" en las ideas de humanización/deshumanización de "los negros"; la existencia de gentes de pasiones desbordantes y de pobreza espiritual conllevaría a la emergencia de nuevos factores de legitimación para ejercer gobierno, control y esclavización. A continuación, el texto sugiere que el desarrollo de la historia natural, la zoología, la anatomía y las fisiologías humana y animal, convergieron con el tránsito postcolonial, llevando a la construcción de una imagen del "negro" cada vez más relacionada con la manumisión; pero también con la representación de un negro neo-salvaje, y el papel que ese exabrupto habría de tener en las guerras coloniales en América y en la propia liberación de las nuevas naciones. La liberación política es inseparable de la liberación corporal, espiritual y pasional, y de esta manera el gobierno autónomo del cuerpo y del espíritu iría afectando la construcción de un proyecto nacional que tendía a ver un cuerpo (negro) exuberante, animalesco y neosalvaje. A través de este panorama histórico de larga duración quiere demostrarse que la imagen de "el negro" ha sido un escenario de luchas de representación en las cuales constantemente se liberaban y cautivaban nuevos significados, usos y funciones de "el negro", que a su vez iban (¿van?) generando nuevas ideas del cómo liberar y cautivizar a ese otro negro cuya libertad ha sido —desde varios, diversos, hegemónicos y contradictorios puntos de vista— históricamente puesta en duda. ; O texto procura demonstrar que a comutação e a diversidade das ideias de liberdade permitem ver e contrastar a mudança histórica na representação social das pessoas referidas como "negras". Em primeiro lugar, analisa-se a diferenciação que existiu nos séculos xv e xvi entre as vozes negras e etíopes, que não eram sinônimos, e cuja diferenciação e mudança histórica nos convida olhar de perto para as imagens sociais da Idade de Ouro espanhola, e estabelecer contrastes com o barroco americano. Segue-se uma análise das representações construídas ao longo do século xviii, ilustradas e românticas, que injetaram o fator "paixões" e a ausência/presença de "espírito" nas ideias de humanização/desumanização dos "negros"; a existência de pessoas com paixões desbordadas e pobreza espiritual levaria à emergência de novos fatores de legitimidade para exercer governo, controlo e escravização. A seguir, sugere-se que o desenvolvimento da história natural, da zoologia, da anatomia e das fisiologias humana e animal, convergiram com o trânsito pós-colonial, levando à construção de uma imagem do "negro" cada vez mais relacionada com a alforria, mas também à representação de um negro neo-selvagem, e ao papel que esse mesmo exabrupto teria nas guerras coloniais na América e na própria libertação das novas nações. A libertação política é inseparável da libertação corporal, espiritual e apaixonada, e desta forma o governo autónomo do corpo e do espírito afetou a construção de um projeto nacional que tendia a ver um corpo exuberante, animalesco, e neo-selvagem (negro). Através deste panorama histórico de longo prazo, quer-se mostrar que a imagem do "negro" tem sido um cenário de lutas de representação em que novos significados, usos e funções do "negro" eram constantemente libertados e cativados, e que, por sua vez, geravam (agora também?), novas ideias de como libertar e cativar aquele outro "negro" cuja liberdade tem sido historicamente questionada desde pontos de vista diversos, hegemônicos e contraditórios.
En aquest article, Black es planteja una nova visió del paper de la monarquia anglesa per acabar amb la idea d'excepcionalitat britànica basada en una monarquia parlamentària com a fil conductor de la història anglesa. Aquest estudi es focalitza en el segle XVIII, sobre el qual hi ha poques investigacions destinades a conèixer el paper de la monarquia britànica. L'autor compara la situació anglesa amb la circumstància política que es vivia en l'àmbit europeu i mundial del moment, tot destacant-ne els canvis i les supervivències de determinats sistemes polítics, com ara la república, la monarquia o certes cases dinàstiques. També ens parla dels darrers estudis sobre la cort i els governs, com un punt de reflexió sobre la importància de la monarquia, així com també de la transcendència de la reialesa en la cultura pública, en la vida política i en el llenguatge polític de l'Anglaterra del segle XVIII. ; En este artículo, Black se plantea una nueva visión del papel de la monarquía inglesa para acabar con la idea de la excepcionalidad británica basada en una monarquía parlamentaria como hilo conductor de la historia inglesa. Este estudio se focaliza en el siglo XVIII, sobre el que hay pocas investigaciones destinadas a conocer el papel de la monarquía británica. El autor compara la situación inglesa con la circunstancia política que se vivía en el ámbito europeo y mundial del momento, destacando en todo momento los cambios y las supervivencias de determinados sistemas políticos, como la república, la monarquía o ciertas casas dinásticas. También nos habla de los últimos estudios sobre la corte y los gobiernos, como un punto de reflexión sobre la importancia de la monarquía, así como también de la trascendencia de la realeza en la cultura pública, en la vida política y en el lenguaje político de la Inglaterra del siglo XVIII. ; In this article, a new vision of the role of the English monarchy is suggested by Black to finish with the idea of British excepcionality based on a parliamentary monarchy as a conducting thread of the English history. This study is focused in the 18th century, around which there is few research destined to know the role of British monarchy. The author compares the English situation with the political situation that was lived in Europe and its world area in that moment, highlighting the changes and the survivals of specific political systems, as republics or monarchies. He also talks about the last studies about the court and the governments, as a point of reflection on the importance of the monarchy, as well as the transcendence of the royalty in the public culture, in the political life and in the political language of the 18th century England.
Vestidas de Negro y en Silencio por los horrores innombrables, cientos de mujeres manifiestan en sus países de origen el rechazo a la guerra, al militarismo, los nacionalismos, al sexismo y las violaciones de mujeres, a las limpiezas étnicas, religiosas y culturales. A la vez, se solidarizan con sus congéneres, mayoritarias víctimas sobrevivientes de los nuevos conflictos armados, que día tras día invaden el planeta. En 1988, feministas israelíes inauguraron esta particular forma de activismo social y político, oponiéndose a la "política de ocupación" de los territorios palestinos. A ellas se sumaron organizaciones de mujeres palestinas. Hoy continúan actuando al unísono. En Belgrado, antigua Yugoeslavia, en 1991 las mujeres se vistieron de Negro y salieron a la calle en protesta contra la "guerra étnica" que dividió sus pueblos. Mujeres italianas hicieron lo mismo para protestar por la Guerra del Golfo Pérsico. Y españolas, canadienses, alemanas y estadounidenses usando el Negro y el Silencio, salieron a las calles en solidaridad con yugoeslavas, palestinas e israelíes. Y el turno llegó a las colombianas. En Agosto de 2000, la Organización Femenina Popular y la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres acordaron vestirse de Negro y protestar en Silencio, contra este conflicto armado, las guerras y violencias. Desde entonces, el último martes de cada mes, testifica un Silencio vestido de Negro en Medellín, Puerto Caicedo, Pereira, Cali, Barrancabermeja, Bucaramanga, Popayán, Bogotá, Quibdo. En otras ocasiones, nuevos lugares han sido testigos de esta protesta de Negro y en Silencio. Con el cuerpo silenciado se expresa desobediencia y resistencia noviolenta a quienes con armas, palabras e imágenes, instigan a la guerra, el odio, la venganza; a las violencias privadas y públicas, a quienes "convierten el cuerpo femenino en botín de guerra".
This article situates the past decade's boom in Brazil's prison population in the context of the country's enduring system of racial domination. Prison demographics are analyzed in relation to the role that race and gender play in configuring both the regime of legality' and contemporary urban war against particular territories and bodies in Brazil. The article also pays close attention to gendered captivities of disenfranchised black women trapped as 'mules' in the underground drug economy. Ethnographic fieldwork in a SAo Paulo women's prison provides the basis for a critique of the regime of punishment that structures black lives in the neoliberal city.
Resumo: Antes de tudo é preciso definir o sentido de Pan-africanismo e como o conceito compõe um movimento político internacional com um projeto constituído visando a liberação das colônias negras tanto na África quanto nas Américas.Palavras-chave: Comunismo; racismo Política. Abstract: First of all it is necessary to define the meaning of Pan-Africanism and how the concept composes an international political movement with a project aimed at liberating the black colonies in both Africa and the Americas.Keywords: Communism; racism; Politics.
International audience ; El texto analiza críticamente la exposición Soul of a Nation, que se exchibió en el Broad Museum de Los Angeles entre marzo y septiembre de 2019. Propone estudiarla en el contexto contemporáneo, tanto en el campo académico de publicaciones vinculadas con la cuestión del racismo, cuanto en el escenario político de Estados Unidos. Se ensayan también interpretaciones acerca de algunas de las obras incluidas en la exhibición y los movimientos políticos y artísticos con los cuales se relacionaban.
The article analises how Free Gender activism – a black lesbians' organization from Khayelitsha, Cape Town – and Zanele Muholi's art-ivism (South Africa) are intertwined in handcrafting, normalizing and individualizing black lesbian existences. How Free Gender public interventions and its participation in community structures is in a productive dialogue with the massive production of portraits and intimacy scenes in Muholi's photography (Phases and Faces and Beloved Series). How this two projects collaborate to produce new regimes of visuality, involving the politics of looking, and challenging the colonial archive and its stereotyped representations of black women sexualities. ; El artículo analiza las resonancias entre el activismo de Free Gender – organizaciónde mujeres negras lesbianas (Khayelitsha, Ciudad del Cabo) y el art-ivismo LGTBI de ZaneleMuholi (Sudáfrica). Se abordan qué recursos se utilizan para la producción artesanal (SophieOLDFIELD; Elaine SALO, 2009) de la existencia lesbiana, su normalización e individuación: por un lado, las participaciones e intervenciones públicas de Free Gender en los espacios comunitarios; y por otro, la producción de retratos y de escenas de intimidad – series fotográficas de Zanele Muholi Faces and Phases y Beloved respectivamente. Por último, se destaca la dimensión subversiva de fundar un archivo LGTBI y contestar el archivo colonial con sus múltiples representaciones estereotipadas de la sexualidad de las mujeres negras ; O presente artigo analisa as ressonâncias entre o ativismo de Free Gender – organização de mulheres negras lésbicas (Khayelitsha, Cidade do Cabo) e o art-ivismo LGTBI de Zanele Muholi (África do Sul). Discute-se quais são os recursos utilizados para a produção artesanal da existência lésbica, a sua normalização e individuação: de um lado, as participações e intervenções públicas de Free Gender nos espaços comunitários; e do outro, a produção de retratos e de cenas da intimidade – as séries fotográficas de Zanele Muholi Faces and Phases e Beloved. Por último, sublinha-se a dimensão subversiva de fundar o arquivo LGTBI e contestar o arquivo colonial com as suas múltiplas representações estereotipadas das sexualidades das mulheres negras.
O presente artigo analisa as ressonâncias entre o ativismo de Free Gender - organização de mulheres negras lésbicas (Khayelitsha, Cidade do Cabo) e o art-ivismo LGTBI de Zanele Muholi (África do Sul). Discute-se quais são os recursos utilizados para a produção artesanal da existência lésbica, a sua normalização e individuação: de um lado, as participações e intervenções públicas de Free Gender nos espaços comunitários; e do outro, a produção de retratos e de cenas da intimidade - as séries fotográficas de Zanele Muholi Faces and Phases e Beloved. Por último, sublinha-se a dimensão subversiva de fundar o arquivo LGTBI e contestar o arquivo colonial com as suas múltiplas representações estereotipadas das sexualidades das mulheres negras. ; The article analises how Free Gender activism - a black lesbians' organization from Khayelitsha, Cape Town - and Zanele Muholi's art-ivism (South Africa) are intertwined in handcrafting, normalizing and individualizing black lesbian existences. How Free Gender public interventions and its participation in community structures is in a productive dialogue with the massive production of portraits and intimacy scenes in Muholi's photography (Phases and Faces and Beloved Series). How this two projects collaborate to produce new regimes of visuality, involving the politics of looking, and challenging the colonial archive and its stereotyped representations of black women sexualities. ; El artículo analiza las resonancias entre el activismo de Free Gender - organización de mujeres negras lesbianas (Khayelitsha, Ciudad del Cabo) y el art-ivismo LGTBI de Zanele Muholi (Sudáfrica). Se abordan qué recursos se utilizan para la producción artesanal (Sophie OLDFIELD; Elaine SALO, 2009) de la existencia lesbiana, su normalización e individuación: por un lado, las participaciones e intervenciones públicas de Free Gender en los espacios comunitarios; y por otro, la producción de retratos y de escenas de intimidad - series fotográficas de Zanele Muholi Faces and Phases y Beloved respectivamente. Por último, se destaca la dimensión subversiva de fundar un archivo LGTBI y contestar el archivo colonial con sus múltiples representaciones estereotipadas de la sexualidad de las mujeres negras.
This paper describes the editing strategies used in the film Black Hawk Down in order to correct North American viewer's impression on the Battle of Mogadishu. Its editing style forces the audience to share the rangers experience and principles, and stresses on the ethics and professionalism of US soldiers so as to transform a military debacle into an ethical triumph. This study presents the underlying role of film editing when defining (or redefining) the audience's impression of a historical event. The methodological approach is based on Eisenstein theories and key concepts. ; El artículo muestra qué recursos de montaje se emplean en la película Black Hawk Down para corregir la impresión del público estadounidense sobre la derrota militar en la Batalla de Mogadiscio. Su montaje convierte al espectador en un ranger haciéndole compartir su experiencia bélica y principios, así como enfatiza en la profesionalidad y ética del soldado estadounidense. Convierte una debacle militar en un triunfo ético. Como trasfondo se pone de manifiesto la importancia del montaje cinematográfico para definir (o redefinir) la visión del espectador sobre un hecho histórico. Metodológicamente se emplea un tipo de análisis deducido de las teorías de Eisenstein.
A hurricane threat, a shortened schedule, some botched scheduling and an audience that couldn't get excited in unison were just a few of the challenges that confronted the Republican Party's Convention that concluded this past week in Tampa, Florida. The main purpose was to reintroduce Mitt Romney to the file and rank of his own party as well as to the wider national audience and to show that, besides business experience and his CEO approach to politics, the man is also human. With the help of Ann Romney, this was arguably accomplished. However, once humanized, the candidate had to convey a compelling message, a vision of the future that would sway the 8% undecided, and convert the anti-Obama into pro-Romney voters. In this, the Convention fell short. His strategic efforts as a candidate in the Primary Election were dedicated to convincing the right wing of the Republican party that his ideas and values had "evolved "from his times of governor of Massachusetts: he is now pro-life and not pro-choice, and his signature health care reform for that state, based on an individual mandate, had very little resemblance to Obamacare. He succeeded then, but these ultra conservative positions alienated two fundamental blocs of voters he will need for the general election, namely, women and Latinos. Indeed, the gender gap puts Obama ahead, with 51% of women voting for Obama and 41% for Romney. The Latino voter gap is at 63% for Obama to 28% for Romney. The campaign's political calculation was thus to use the Convention to appeal to the wider audience by showing the party's "diversity", by "humanizing" the candidate and by convincing the Evangelical right that being Mormon is not a monstrosity. Testimonials by members of his congregation, a convincing speech by Ann Romney and a black- and- white biographical video succeeded in meeting this goal. We learned that Mr. Romney is a wonderful husband and father, a patient man who tries to live by a set of values; that his years as head of a Mormon community were devoted to helping the needy, accompanying the lonely and counseling the troubled. It was also revealed that his tithing was uncommonly and consistently generous. The Convention was carefully staged to show younger, more diverse GOP "rising stars" in order to bring into the fold some of still persuadable minorities. Paul Ryan, the Catholic, strictly anti- abortion 42-year old that completes the ticket, gave an ideological speech that charmed the older generation, with references to "central-planners" and direct attacks on Obama's "socialist" policies, using what could be described at best as half-truths. A great admirer of atheist right-wing writer Ayn Rand, Ryan, a Representative from Wisconsin, rose to fame this past year by presenting a budget plan that would lower taxes for the upper-income bracket, privatize Medicare and harshly restrict social programs. Portraying himself as a compassionate conservative, he is supposed to bring in the Catholic vote. Former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Florida Senator Marco Rubio used their personal stories aptly and were able to get two of the few electrifying moments of the Convention. Rice's appearance was important after a period of what seemed to be her retirement from politics; she talked optimistically about America, its unbound freedoms, its role as an underwriter of world order, and unquestionably, the land of exceptional opportunity: channeling Obama, she offered her story as a testament of these possibilities. In spite of growing up in the Jim Crow South, she rose to Secretary of State and here she was today, the first "stateswoman" of the Republican Party. Rubio, a fresh-faced 41 year old and the son of working class Cuban immigrants, was the Latino version of the same idea. He had the difficult task of introducing Mitt Romney after the audience was still puzzled at Clint Eastwood's imaginary dialogue with President Obama (represented by an empty chair). After an awkward moment during which the seniors in the audience were still trying to process the meaning of Eastwood's sometimes off-color parody, Rubio managed the transition quite well and soon people were paying him undivided attention. One of the best-received portions was an anecdote about his father, who worked for years at a bar. "He stood behind a bar in the back of the room all those years, so one day I could stand behind a podium in the front of a room," Rubio said, bringing in a huge applause. There were many of these "rag-to-riches" stories aimed at reassuring the viewers that the candidate's wealth is not an obstacle to Romney and Ryan's newly found empathic conservatism. Mitt Romney's entrance along a cordoned red carpet, shaking hands and nodding to groups of supporters on each side, as well as the first few lines of his acceptance speech were shrewdly staged to evoke the State of the Union address. In line with the general theme, he devoted two thirds of his speech to his own biography and very little to the specifics of his economic agenda. While conventions are seldom memorable affairs, and while this one is most likely going to be remembered by the bizarre spectacle of actor Clint Eastwood talking, at times incoherently, to an empty chair, there were other minor headlines running parallel to it that deserve more attention for what they reveal of the long-term GOP plan to re-take government. Under the pretext that voter fraud is prevalent in presidential elections (a claim unsubstantiated by serious research), at least 14 Republican-dominated state legislatures, mostly (but not all) in the South, have been quietly passing new laws aimed at making the act of voting more difficult in those states. The intention is clear: to keep just enough demographic groups likely to vote for the Democrats (namely, young people and minorities) away from the polls. This voter suppression strategy takes different forms, the most prevalent of which is requiring the presentation of government- issued photo IDs, such as a driver's license or a US passport, at the polls It is a well-known fact that many elderly minorities and disabled citizens who don't drive lack these (Social Security cards in the US do not have photos, and there is not voting document such as a "credencial civica" in the US). These groups of people would have a hard time getting one, sometimes requiring them to travel miles away to get to the closest Public Safety office. In the case of young students, university-issued student identification cards for the most part are not accepted at the polls. Other bills and rules were aimed at shortening early voting time frames, repealing Election Day registration laws, and preventing non-profit, non-partisan groups such as the League of Women Voters from organizing voter registration campaigns. This week, however, a three-judge panel of the Federal District Court in Washington DC struck down a Texas voter ID law. Two days earlier, a different three-judge panel for the same court found that, in its redrawing of the electoral-district map (a practice that takes place every ten years following a national Census), the Texas legislature had intentionally discriminated against minority voters More important than any platform, more lasting than any emotional appeal to voters, voter suppression attempts constitute a politically divisive outrage that goes to the heart of our democracy. Indeed, it is unfathomable that over a century and a half after the Emancipation Proclamation and the Fifteenth Amendment, and half a century after the Voting Rights Act of 1965, minorities in the United States still have to rely on the court system to protect their right to vote. In a presidential election year and with a race as tight as the one we are about to witness in two months, voter turnout is fundamental. Laws aimed at discouraging citizens to vote are a surreptitiously shrewd, anti-democratic way to ensure victory.
