Black Creativity and Black Stereotype
In: Beyond Blackface, S. 124-146
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In: Beyond Blackface, S. 124-146
In: Before Jim Crow, S. 132-154
In: In a Shade of Blue, S. 47-65
After discussing the relationship between "descriptive" & "substantive" representation, explored is whether increases in the former (the actual number of representatives) have led to increases in the latter (the ability to represent constituent interests) for African Americans in GA. The state's political culture from the 1960s until the end of the 20th century is described, focusing on elections & office holding. Events that led to increased black representation in the state general assembly are identified & the creation of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus is examined. Data from house & senate journals & the website of the general assembly are used to analyze African American committee membership & chairpersonship, 1979-2000, as well as roll-call voting patterns during the 1990s; comparisons are drawn between the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on a wide range of general & race-related issues. References. K. Hyatt Stewart
After discussing the relationship between "descriptive" & "substantive" representation, explored is whether increases in the former (the actual number of representatives) have led to increases in the latter (the ability to represent constituent interests) for African Americans in GA. The state's political culture from the 1960s until the end of the 20th century is described, focusing on elections & office holding. Events that led to increased black representation in the state general assembly are identified & the creation of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus is examined. Data from house & senate journals & the website of the general assembly are used to analyze African American committee membership & chairpersonship, 1979-2000, as well as roll-call voting patterns during the 1990s; comparisons are drawn between the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on a wide range of general & race-related issues. References. K. Hyatt Stewart
Documents the origins of the call by US politicians & others during the administrations of Ronald Reagan & George Bush for self-help as a solution to the problems of black Americans. With the federal government during this period (1980s) withdrawing from its commitments to the less-privileged, self-help was seized on, by both black & white conservatives, as a solution emphasizing "personal responsibility" & "self-reliance" in the black community. Continuing into the Bill Clinton administration, this has led to the development of a new privatism. Here, it is argued that conservatives have used the appeal of self-help to disguise a socially repressive agenda for the black poor & deflect attention from the government's disinvestment in black communities. Analysis of black conservatives' criticisms of the welfare state & civil rights organizations reveals that their real agenda is to reestablish traditional institutions of social authority. K. H. Stewart
In: The Trouble between Us, S. 51-78
In: Religion of a Different Color, S. 140-170
In: Wohin steuert Nordkorea?: soziale Verhältnisse, Entwicklungstendenzen, Perspektiven, S. 61-67
Der Autor diskutiert Lösungsmöglichkeiten zur Überwindung der zweiten Atomkrise auf der koreanischen Halbinsel. Die USA und Nordkorea verharren seiner Meinung nach gegenwärtig in ihrer "black box" und beschuldigen sich gegenseitig. Wenn das Pentagon weiter seine Verhandlungsstrategie verfolgt, im Grunde nicht verhandeln zu wollen, wird kein neues Sicherheitssystem aus einer solchen Strategie entstehen. Nur durch Koordination, die in Form eines bilateralen Austauschpakets und als Ergebnis einer rationalen Verhandlung stattfinden sollte, kann der Verzicht Nordkoreas auf das Atomprogramm gleichzeitig P'yongyangs politische und wirtschaftliche Beziehungen zu den USA verknüpfen, und somit ein neues Sicherheitssystem auf der koreanischen Halbinsel entstehen lassen. Wenn weitere "Dreier-Gespräche" in Beijing ein gutes Ergebnis für alle Beteiligten bringen sollen, müssen dem Autor zufolge alle Probleme auf den Verhandlungstisch gelegt werden. Dabei sind primär folgende Fragen zu beantworten: Ist das Genfer Abkommen aus dem Jahre 1994 noch gültig? Wenn das der Fall ist, wie wird das Abkommen weiter implementiert? Wenn nicht, welche Ergänzungs- oder Modifikationsmaßnahmen sind notwendig? Wird anstelle des alten Abkommens ein neues benötigt und welche internationalen Rahmenbedingungen müssten berücksichtigt werden? Welche Rolle spielen in diesem Zusammenhang jeweils Südkorea, China, Japan und Russland? Und schließlich: Welche Rolle spielt bei den Verhandlungen die UNO bzw. deren Sicherheitsrat? (ICI2)
In: Defending Whose Country?, S. 99-134