Suchergebnisse

Hablar de máximos y mínimos de la Justicia Transicional, para Colombia, es indagar y construir desde afuera.1 El primer ejercicio es epistemológico, lingüístico y ontológico y desata el nodo presentado por la tensión, la justicia y el derecho frente al valor supremo de la paz; o entre punibilidad y realismo político. Pero no se pueden polarizar los extremos, sino amalgamar los dos sistemas en la sociedad colombiana compleja y en el contexto jurídico, político y social. No es tarde para empezar a dar el giro. Arrancar desde afuera es informarse y preguntarse sobre el significado de las cosas que hacen parte de la paz. Se verá entonces cómo este concepto es mucho más que el que en forma limitada se concibe desde lo cotidiano y desde lo legislativo tanto en su creación, interpretación y ejercicio. También se revisarán los conceptos de violencia, conflicto y Justicia Transicional y el papel inexcusable de la academia. ; Talk of maximum and minimum of Transitional Justice, for Colombia is to investigate and build from outside. The first exercise is epistemological, linguistic and ontological. Unleash the node presented by stress, justice and right in front of the supreme value of peace; impunity and political realism. But we cannot polarize the ends, but amalgamating the two systems for complex Colombian society in juridical, political and social context. Is not too late to start giving the turn. Boot from outside, is informed and wonder about the meaning of things that are part of peace. Research for Peace, the scientific current studies it from the same etymological meaning, dismantles social paradigms and imaginary taxes. It will then be seen how the peace concept is much more than a limited extent is conceived, from the everyday and from the legislative both its creation, interpretation and performance, taken from the inside. Also the concepts of violence, conflict and Transitional Justice and inexcusable role of academia are present in this exercise. ; Falar de máximos e mínimos da Justiça Transicional, para a Colômbia é indagar e construir desde fora. O primeiro exercício é epistemológico, linguístico e ontológico. Desfazer o nó apresentado pela tensão, justiça e direito diante o valor supremo da paz, punibilidade e realismo político. No entanto, não se pode polarizar os extremos, senão combinar os dois sistemas, para a sociedade colombiana complexa e no contexto jurídico, político e social. Não é tarde para começar a dar a volta. Começar desde fora, é se informar e se perguntar sobre o significado das coisas que fazem parte da paz. A pesquisa para a paz, corrente cientista que a estuda desde o mesmo significado epistemológico, desarma paradigmas e imaginários sociais impostos. Verse-á então como o conceito paz é muito mais que o que de maneira limitada se pensa, desde o cotidiano e desde o legislativo tanto em sua criação, interpretação e exercício, concebido desde dentro. Também os conceitos de violência, conflito e Justiça Transicional e o papel inexcusável da academia neste exercício.

Talk of maximum and minimum of Transitional Justice, for Colombia is to investigate and build from outside. The first exercise is epistemological, linguistic and ontological. Unleash the node presented by stress, justice and right in front of the supreme value of peace; impunity and political realism. But we cannot polarize the ends, but amalgamating the two systems for complex Colombian society in juridical, political and social context. Is not too late to start giving the turn. Boot from outside, is informed and wonder about the meaning of things that are part of peace. Research for Peace, the scientific current studies it from the same etymological meaning, dismantles social paradigms and imaginary taxes. It will then be seen how the peace concept is much more than a limited extent is conceived, from the everyday and from the legislative both its creation, interpretation and performance, taken from the inside. Also the concepts of violence, conflict and Transitional Justice and inexcusable role of academia are present in this exercise. ; Hablar de máximos y mínimos de la Justicia Transicional, para Colombia, es indagar y construir desde afuera.1 El primer ejercicio es epistemológico, lingüístico y ontológico y desata el nodo presentado por la tensión, la justicia y el derecho frente al valor supremo de la paz; o entre punibilidad y realismo político. Pero no se pueden polarizar los extremos, sino amalgamar los dos sistemas en la sociedad colombiana compleja y en el contexto jurídico, político y social. No es tarde para empezar a dar el giro. Arrancar desde afuera es informarse y preguntarse sobre el significado de las cosas que hacen parte de la paz. Se verá entonces cómo este concepto es mucho más que el que en forma limitada se concibe desde lo cotidiano y desde lo legislativo tanto en su creación, interpretación y ejercicio. También se revisarán los conceptos de violencia, conflicto y Justicia Transicional y el papel inexcusable de la academia. ; Falar de máximos e mínimos da Justiça Transicional, para a Colômbia é indagar e construir desde fora. O primeiro exercício é epistemológico, linguístico e ontológico. Desfazer o nó apresentado pela tensão, justiça e direito diante o valor supremo da paz, punibilidade e realismo político. No entanto, não se pode polarizar os extremos, senão combinar os dois sistemas, para a sociedade colombiana complexa e no contexto jurídico, político e social. Não é tarde para começar a dar a volta. Começar desde fora, é se informar e se perguntar sobre o significado das coisas que fazem parte da paz. A pesquisa para a paz, corrente cientista que a estuda desde o mesmo significado epistemológico, desarma paradigmas e imaginários sociais impostos. Verse-á então como o conceito paz é muito mais que o que de maneira limitada se pensa, desde o cotidiano e desde o legislativo tanto em sua criação, interpretação e exercício, concebido desde dentro. Também os conceitos de violência, conflito e Justiça Transicional e o papel inexcusável da academia neste exercício.

Resumen: Las Juntas de Reformas Sociales nacen con la Ley de 13 de marzo de 1900 sobre condiciones de trabajo de mujeres y niños. Estaban integradas por seis patronos y seis obreros, dos vocales natos –el cura párroco y el médico-, y presididas por el alcalde. Entre sus atribuciones estaba la de inspección de los centros de trabajo; las condiciones de salubridad e higiene; formar estadísticas del trabajo; procurar el establecimiento de Jurados Mixtos de patronos y de obreros y entender en las reclamaciones que unos y otros les sometieren, velar por el cumplimiento de las leyes sociales. Se pretendía con ellas crear un instrumento favorecedor de consensos entre capital y trabajo, en aras de desactivar la conflictividad laboral y fueron imprescindibles en la aplicación de la incipiente legislación laboral, actuando como terminales del Instituto de Reformas Sociales a partir de su creación en 1903. En su seno, participaron de forma generalizada las organizaciones patronales y obreras más significativas de las localidades, enviando a sus principales representantes, dado el interés de ambas clases en no dejar los asuntos laborales en manos de actores de menor rango. Fueron organismos pioneros del arranque de un marco de relaciones laborales fallido donde, sobre un cúmulo de dificultades sufridas, sobresale la incapacidad, la ineptitud, la falta real de voluntad política de un Estado demasiado preso de sus propios miedos hacia un movimiento obrero emergente, considerado más como un peligro inminente, que amenazaba con imponer la revolución social, que como un actor social en busca del reconocimiento de derechos.Boards of Social Reforms and state interventionism labor relations in Catalonia, 1900-1923. Abstract: Boards of Social Reforms are born with the law of 13 March 1900 on working conditions of women and children. Consisted of six workers and six employers, two ex officio members, the parish priest and the doctor, and chaired by the Mayor. His powers were: "to inspect the centres of work; to take care of conditions of healthiness and hygiene; to form labour statistics; to help to create mixed Juries employer's and worker's; to understand in the claims submitted to it, and ensure compliance with the social laws". They searched to become one of the main elements of consensus between capital and work, with the aim of disabling the work conflict. They had extensive powers and were essential in the implementation of the emerging working law, serving as a terminal of the Institute of Social Reforms. In its womb, in general, participated employers organizations and workers of the most important towns, which sent their main representatives, showings the interest of both classes of not leaving the work affairs in the hands of third parties row. The organisms were pioneers of the boot of a framework of relations that is not successful, that above all the difficulties which clashed with, stands the disability, the ineptitude, lack of real political of a state too prisoner of their own fears against an emerging working class movement, which looked more like as an imminent danger, which threatened to impose the social revolution, than as a social actor with their own inalienable rights.

Teniendo en cuenta que el ruido es uno de los factores de riesgo físico o ambiental más común en el ámbito de las industrias de fabricación de botas de PVC; el presente proyecto investigativo tiene como objetivo primordial, establecer un programa de conservación auditiva para los trabajadores del área productiva de la empresa MILBOOTS Cía. Ltda., como parte del sistema de gestión de seguridad y salud en el trabajo, que contribuya a la prevención de enfermedades profesionales auditivas como consecuencia de la diaria exposición. Los niveles de ruido laboral en la organización bordean los niveles máximos permisibles por la normativa legal vigente en Ecuador (Decreto Ejecutivo 2393), lo que trae como consecuencia una disminución en la capacidad auditiva de sus colaboradores; para proponer dicho programa de conservación auditiva, se realizaron mediciones a los niveles de ruido industrial existentes en la planta de producción y luego se realizó una evaluación. Para contrarrestar el factor de riesgo físico ruido, se propone establecer un programa de conservación auditiva (a manera de documento según el sistema de gestión de calidad de la empresa) que contenga la siguiente información: un procedimiento para la identificación y cualificación del ruido laboral, un procedimiento para la medición y evaluación del factor de riesgo ambiental, un instructivo para la atenuación del factor de riesgo físico mediante la aplicación de paredes acústicas, un instructivo para la selección de protectores auditivos como equipo de protección personal y un instructivo para la determinación del deterioro auditivo en función de los años de exposición al ruido laboral de los colaboradores de la organización que desarrollan sus actividades en el área de producción, desde luego todos los procedimientos e instructivos deben estar acompañados de sus respectivos registros. El programa de conservación auditiva (con sus respectivos procedimientos, instructivos y registros), ha sido levantado para su aplicación en la empresa, de acuerdo a normativa internacional vigente aplicable. ; EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Given that noise is one of the most common factors of physical or environmental risk in the field of the manufacturing of PVC boots; this project aims primarily to establish a hearing conservation program for workers in production area of MILBOOTS Company as a part of the management system of safety and health at work, which contributes to the prevention of occupational hearing diseases as a result of daily exposure. Occupational noise levels in the organization are in the maximum permissible levels by current legislation in Ecuador (Executive Decree 2393), which results in a decrease in hearing ability of its employees; for proposing this hearing conservation program the levels of industrial noise in the production plant were measured and then an assessment was made. To counteract the physical noise risk factor, it is proposed to establish a hearing preservation program (as a document according to the company's quality management system) containing the following information: a procedure for the identification and qualification of occupational noise , a procedure for the measurement and evaluation environmental risks factor, an instruction for the attenuation of the physical risk factor through the application of acoustic walls, an instructive for the selection of hearing protectors as a personal protection equipment and an instructive for the determination of hearing impairment according to the years of exposure to the work noise of the collaborators of the organization who carry out their activities in the production area, of course all the procedures and instructions must be accompanied by their respective records. The hearing conservation program (with its respective procedures, instructions and records), has been raised for application in the company, according to applicable international regulations.

Telegrams exchanged between Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: private citizens, Governors, Undersecretaries, the Union of Bank Workers, his personal secretary Soledad González, Military people, Congressmen, the Union of ship owners, the League of Workers from Veracruz, the Party of Workers and Peasants Union, the Central Committee of Colonies of sea port workers, the Workers Union of the Terminal Company, the Union of Port inspectors, the Union of Beer and Ice Suppliers, the Union of Land transportation of Veracruz, the Secretary General of the Alliance of Train Workers from the Federal District, presidents of Municipal Committees, the Ursulo Gálvan National League of Peasants, the S.C.I. Pesca Cabotaje Union from Veracruz, the Union of Lottery tickets salespeople, and the Federation of Mar y Tierra Workers from Veracruz. The aforementioned telegrams concern a request to support the justice service, requesting for Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' picture, the Peasants from Milpa Alta present land seizure allegations, reports of the peace situation in the state of Chiapas, requests for scheduling appointments, positive reply to the petition demanding the reduction of telegraph fees for the Express Company and the Confederation of Produce Growers, a report about the installation of the Prep Committee comprised by Congress representatives elected, a request to provide safety guaranties in Puebla, a request to submit the papers for tax exemption, a request to ship hooks, a request for employment, information about the election of governor in Puebla and its post-election conflict, a request for providing assistance to Mr. Douglas so that he can visit the western region of the republic, reply of acknowledgement for received messages, cancelling scheduled appointments, a request for returning a book sent to Gen. Calles, scheduling appointments, price submission for antiseptic gauze, a request for the reinstatement of the Mayor of the Port of Veracruz, mailing of greetings, a notice about the political persecutions in Guerrero, a request for the payment of boots, a request for support of the Peasants so that they are not subject of abuse, confirming that the Regulation to survey Army Chiefs and Officers is being made, requesting Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' mediation in the judicial process against Epigmenio Guzmán. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, particulares, Gobernadores, Subsecretarios, Sindicato de Empleados Bancarios, Secretaria Particular Soledad González, Militares, Diputados, Sindicato de Armadores de Barcos, Liga de Empleados de Veracruz, Partido Sindicalista de Obreros y Campesinos, Comité Central de Colonias de Trabajadores del Puerto, Unión de Trabajadores Compañía Terminal, Unión de Checadores del Puerto, Sindicato de Repartidores de Hielo y Cerveza, Unión de Transportes Terrestres de Veracruz, Secretario General de la Alianza de Tranviarios del Distrito Federal, Presidentes de Comités Municipales, Liga Nacional Campesina Ursulo Galván, Unión Pesca Cabotaje S.C.I. de Veracruz, Sindicato de Billeteros de Veracruz y Federación de Trabajadores Mar y Tierra de Veracruz, acerca de: solicitud de ayuda para impartición de justicia, solicitud de fotografía del Gral. PEC, campesinos de Milpa Alta denuncian el despojo de que han sido objeto, informes sobre paz en el estado de Chiapas, solicitudes de audiencia, respuesta afirmativa sobre reducción de cuotas de servicio telegráfico a la Compañía Express y Confederaciones Productoras de Legumbres, informes sobre instalación de Junta Preparatoria con Diputados electos en Guadalajara, solicitud de impartición de garantías en Puebla, solicitud de envío de documentación para excensión de impuestos, solicitud de envío de ganchos, solicitud de empleo, informe sobre elección de Gobernador de Puebla y conflicto post electoral, petición de otorgamiento de facilidades a Mr. Douglas para que visite la región occidental de la República, respuesta de enterado a mensajes anteriores, cancelación de audiencias, solicitud de devolución de obra enviada al Gral. Calles, concesión de audiencias, envío de precios de gasas boricadas, solicitud de reinstalación del Presidente Municipal del Puerto de Veracruz, envío de saludos, notificación de persecusiones políticas en Guerrero, solicitud de pago de botas, solicitud de intervención para que no se atente contra organizaciones de masas campesinas, notificación sobre elaboración del Reglamento de Consulta para Jefes y Oficiales del Ejército, solicitud de intervención del Gral. PEC en proceso judicial contra Epigmenio Guzmán.

Objetivo Este estudio busca describir conocimientos y pr?cticas sobre disposici?n final de medicamentos posconsumo en las familias de la comuna 3 de la ciudad de Medell?n, en el a?o 2019. M?todo Estudio descriptivo transversal con enfoque cuantitativo con 60 familias, utilizando un cuestionario. Resultados del total de personas seleccionadas como representantes del conjunto familiar, un 65 % son mayores de 50 a?os, predominando claramente el g?nero femenino con un 75%. El 50% cuenta con estudio de primaria y el 38.3% secundaria. La tipolog?a familiar que predomina es la amplia con un 56.7 %, un 30% nuclear y un 11.67% monoparental. El n?mero de persona que predomina por hogar es de m?nimo cuatro personas con el 76.7 %, destac?ndose el 26.7% donde conviven seis o m?s. La HTA es la patolog?a que m?s predomina en las familias con un 40%. A un 75% de las familias le sobran medicamentos y casi todos por falta de adherencia. Se destacan los analg?sicos-AINES, como el ibuprofeno y el diclofenaco, con un 30% de los medicamentos que sobran en los hogares, 23.3% de antihipertensivos y el 18.3% antibi?ticos. En cuanto a las pr?cticas un 38.3% botan a la basura corriente los medicamentos que les sobran, un 23.3% los arrojan al ba?o-alcantarillado, un 13.3% los dona. Con los vencidos, un 48,3% lo arroja a la basura y un 41.7% al ba?o-alcantarillado. En cuanto a creencias, un 30% creen que los medicamentos sobrantes se deben botar a la basura corriente y el mismo porcentaje que se deben donar; un 25% que se deben devolver a la farmacia-droguer?a y tan s?lo un 8.3% devolverlo a un sitio especializado. No cambian mucho las cifras con los vencidos, en cuanto arrojarlos a la basura. Eso s?, una buena cantidad expresan que estos ?ltimos se deber?an devolver a la farmacia y un 13.3% a un punto especializado. A un 88.3% de los encuestados, nadie les ha informado que hacer con los medicamentos posconsumo. Un 75% creen que no est? bien botar los medicamentos a la basura; un 76.7% que no est? bien echarlos al ba?o-alcantarillado; un 68.3% creen que se deben devolver a la farmacia-droguer?a; un 50% creen que est? bien donarlos. un 85% no conoce ni a escuchado de programas de devoluci?n de medicamentos. Tan s?lo un 31.7% consideran los medicamentos residuos peligrosos. Un 51.7% considera que los medicamentos que bota son perjudiciales para la salud y el medio ambiente. Un 86.7% desconoce la normatividad que rige el manejo de los desechos de los medicamentos en Colombia. Conclusiones La principal raz?n por las que estas familias generan medicamentos posconsumo, es la falta de adherencia seguido del problema de la automedicaci?n. Definitivamente los conocimientos que se tienen referentes a la disposici?n final de los medicamentos posconsumo, son m?nimos y en contrav?a del uso racional de estos. Creen que arrojarlos a la basura, al alcantarillado es algo normal e inocuo para la salud. En cuanto a las pr?cticas, son totalmente nefastas para la salud p?blica en general y sobre todo para el ecosistema. Efectivamente lo arrojan en la basura o por el alcantarillado, inclusive hasta en el reciclable. Al comparar el conocimiento y las pr?cticas del manejo de los residuos con los fundamentos te?ricos y lo expuesto en las normas, resultan ser totalmente opuestos. El desconocimiento de la legislaci?n es elocuente y la desinformaci?n total. ; Objective This study seeks to specify knowledge and practices on the final disposition of post-consumer medicines in the families of community 3 of the city of Medell?n, in the year 2019. Method Cross-sectional descriptive study with a quantitative approach with 60 families, using a questionnaire. Results of the total number of people selected as representatives of the family as a whole, 65% are over 50 years old, the female gender clearly prevailing with 75%. 50% have primary school and 38.3% secondary. The predominant family typology is the broad one with 56.7%, 30% nuclear and 11.67% single parent. The number of people predominant per household is at least four people with 76.7%, standing out 26.7% where six or more coexist. HTA is the most prevalent pathology in families with 40%. 75% of families have plenty of medications and almost all due to lack of adherence. The analgesics-NSAIDs, such as ibuprofen and diclofenac, stand out, with 30% of the medicines left over in homes, 23.3% of antihypertensives and 18.3% of antibiotics. As for the practices, 38.3% dispose of the medicines that are left over in the trash, 23.3% throw them into the sewer, 13.3% donate them. With the defeated, 48.3% throw it in the trash and 41.7% into the sewer. In terms of beliefs, 30% believe that surplus drugs should be thrown into the ordinary trash and the same percentage that should be donated; 25% must be returned to the pharmacy-drugstore and only 8.3% return it to a specialized site. The figures do not change much with the defeated, as soon as they throw them in the trash. Of course, a good amount express that the latter should be returned to the pharmacy and 13.3% to a specialized point. 88.3% of respondents have not been told what to do with post-consumer medications. 75% believe it is not right to throw drugs away; 76.7% that it is not right to throw them into the sewer-bath; 68.3% believe they should be returned to the pharmacy-drugstore; 50% believe it is okay to donate them. 85% do not know or have heard of medication return programs. Only 31.7% consider drugs hazardous waste. 51.7% consider that the medications they boot are harmful to health and the environment. 86.7% are unaware of the regulations governing the management of drug waste in Colombia. Conclusions The main reason why these families generate post-consumer medications is the lack of adherence followed by the problem of self-medication. Definitely the knowledge about the final disposition of post-consumer medicines is minimal and contrary to the rational use of these. They believe that throwing them in the trash, the sewer is normal and harmless to health. As for practices, they are totally harmful for public health in general and especially for the ecosystem. They effectively throw it in the trash or sewer, even in the recyclable. When comparing the knowledge and practices of waste management with the theoretical foundations and what is stated in the rules, they turn out to be totally opposite. Ignorance of the legislation is eloquent and total misinformation. ; Medell?n

President Obama travelled to Europe this week for a one-day summit of the G-20 in London and a NATO summit in Strasbourg and Kehl. He then went to Prague to deliver a non-proliferation speech, which, with exquisite timing on the part of the North Koreans, came on the same day as that country tested a ballistic missile delivery system over Japan. In both the G-20 and the NATO summit, protestors took to the streets, in some cases becoming quite destructive.Obama's performance in Europe is being debated in the strongest terms in the United States: did he deliver? While many were again moved by his ability to dazzle European audiences, a consensus seems to be emerging that he is coming back home empty-handed. It would be easy to dismiss this divergence of views as politics as usual, with the Republicans criticizing him harshly while his own party lavishes praise on his performance, but it is somewhat more complicated than that: the question today is how much his popularity and charisma translate into getting palpable results that meet US interests.Dominique Moïsi recently commented on the risks of ignoring the dichotomy between Obama's essence (whohe is)and his performance (what he does). For the rest of the world in general, and for Europeans in particular, his electoral triumph has evoked enthusiasm and restored confidence in the resilience and vitality of American democracy, which many had come to doubt. With Obama, the man himself is the message. They like who he is, but will they also like what he does to protect American interests around the world? Changes in foreign policy are often less about grand declarations than they are about alterations in tone, outlook and priorities. However, underlying the rhetoric and the diplomatic dialogue, there are always the nation's interests which are much more immutable than changes in leadership. Obama has already changed the tone and texture of American diplomacy, but transforming the substance of US foreign policy will take much longer and will be much more difficult to achieve.Speaking to a spell-bound audience of French and German students in Strasbourg, France, he urged Europeans to join in a common effort to restructure the global economy and renew the trans-Atlantic alliance. In his cool yet direct way, Obama managed to talk to Europeans in some pretty harsh terms about the strained relationship. He had a difficult message to convey. To soften it, he first confessed America's own hubris: "In America there is a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world. Instead of celebrating your dynamic union.there have been times when America has shown arrogance and been dismissive and even derisive."Then it was Europe's turn:"…But in Europe there is an anti-Americanism that is… casual but that can also be insidious…there have been times when Europeans choose to blame America for much of what is bad…these attitudes have become too common. They are not wise. They do not represent the truth. They fail to acknowledge that America cannot confront the challenges of this century alone but that Europe cannot confront them without America."He then reminded them that Islamic extremism is a threat to Europe as much as it is a threat to the United States. He pointed out some changes his administration has already made to bring it more in line with international sentiment: the closing of Guantánamo, the outlawing of torture, abandoning the use of the terms "enemy combatant" and "the war on terror." "America is changing but it cannot be America alone that changes," he said. He pledged a united front to tackle the Afghanistan war, the Palestinian conflict and the global crisis. Now it is up to Europe to do more, he implied.His speech brought applause from the crowd at several instances. Unfortunately, he was less effective in obtaining what he wanted from European decision-makers. This led pundits here to comment acidly that while Obama's aura and Michelle's grace are both national assets, they are not enough to persuade allies to do what is in the American interest. His harshest critics in the US said that in order to conquer their sympathies, Obama deferred to the European agenda and conceded too much: his mea culpa about American arrogance was too much for the opposition party to swallow. The truth is that he had two very difficult cases to make: first he had to persuade European leaders to increase their fiscal stimulus to 2% of their GDP; then he had to coax them into contributing more troops to the Afghan war. He was rebuffed on both fronts.On the economic front, it was a demand Europeans were not ready to make, given that, unlike the US, these social democracies already are financing large welfare states. Also in contrast with the US, Europe still has room left to use monetary policy to stimulate their economies. However, Obama was successful in starting to rebuild frayed relations not only with Europe but also with Russia and China. The G-20 communiqué contains several important steps toward strengthening international financial regulation, and it includes a directive to triple the IMF resources to 750 billion dollars to help distressed countries as well as a new trade finance initiative of 250 billion by the World Bank. An extra 100 billion in aid for the poorest countries will be raised from capital markets rather than the embers themselves. For a one-day summit, this is indeed progress: Obama is moving the ball down the line without turning it over to the other side. Later down the road, if and when the global economy needs further stimulus, he will be in a good position to make the case for more.In the case of NATO, his success was even perhaps more modest: he got a token increase in European troops for Afghanistan, but these are temporary only and will be deployed to train Afghan police and military, not in a fighting capacity. However, Obama used the forum to redefine America's intention there in much narrower terms, away from the unrealistic goal of establishing a Jeffersonian- style democracy and towards a new focus on rebuilding relations with the native population and containing Al Qaeda. He is also going to travel to Turkey next, to assuage fears in the Muslim world about American intentions toward them.In spite of the new commitment to increase the numbers of boots on the ground, it is clear that the Europeans are looking for an exit strategy in Afghanistan and that Americans, now more than ever, own that war: Obama is increasing the number of troops from 35.000 to 68.000 and has widened the theater of operations to include Pakistan. It is undoubtedly now an American war, a decision that may haunt him for years to come.The lost irony here is that Europeans have been very strident in opposing American unilateralism in Iraq, but when asked for a multilateral effort in Afghanistan, this one being the "legal" war that was approved by the UN Security Council, their response is a tepid 5,000 troops with no permission to engage, only to train Afghan military and police. Europe today has neither the stomach nor the resources for any type of war.In Prague, Obama outlined his vision for a world free of nuclear weapons. He warned that the non-proliferation regime is breaking down and called for a global summit on nuclear security. He said he hoped to negotiate a new treaty to end the production of fissile materials. On the deployment of a missile defense system in Eastern Europe, he opened two big loopholes: he said the US will deploy it "if it is effective" and "if Iran does not change its behavior." This is a major change of policy from the Bush years. It was very well received by the Russians but Obama will be severely criticized if his efforts to change the course in Iran fall flat, which is the most likely scenario.Ironically, while Obama's Prague speech on non-proliferation focused on preventing Iran and North Korea to develop nuclear weapons and delivery systems, Pakistan, a US ally, is not only a nuclear state itself, in possession of around five dozen nuclear weapons, but has a pathetically weak government that lacks the most rudimentary capacity of a modern state: it cannot control its own territory, its institutions are shaky and it is therefore very close to becoming a failed state. For now, it seems that the administration's best bet is to take a minimalist posture of what success here would look like: setting the bar for victory in the region lower, for example to the more modest goals of denying Al Qaeda safe havens and preventing the total collapse of both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Otherwise, the US runs again the risk of being trapped in a quagmire with no end in sight.The greatest paradox of the present world crisis is that among steep criticism of the American model and proposals to "rethink the American paradigm", the rest of the world is still looking to the United States to save them. No other power or world order is emerging to take its place and there is immense yearning and expectation that Obama will deliver a miracle and restore growth, prosperity and order around the world. However, under the new reality of dispersion of power, which is already becoming the defining trait of the 21st century, conflicts will at best be managed by concerted action among allies, but no longer solved by the absolute power and domination of the United States.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

The present study, in a politically sensitive manner, narrates and interprets the related facts with the armed conflict between 1998 and 2001, on the sidewalk El Salto, of the municipality of El santuario , located in the subregion of the Near East Antioquia. This territory went to be object of dispute between armed actors, because of their strategic role as a doorway to the corridor transit connecting the region to the North-East and the Magdalena Medio. In the area, the guerrilla and paramilitaries, in addition to making an armed presence, regulated trafficking in narcotic drugs, generated pressure on the reservoirs and extended their presence and instigation on the Medellín-Bogotá motorway, the circulation channel of all economic activity between this important region and the center of the country. Likewise, this subregion has been a high potential of agricultural, tourist and industrial production activities, being the epicenter for air traffic, hosted at José Maria Cordova Airport. The Oriente is one of the areas of the country where the conflict has been heightened and where the systematic violence of the armed actors was concentrated, Massacres, threats, forced displacement, targeted killings and illegal retains along with the incursions to urban helmets, the Operation of each other By. Long periods of time, the population of the area suffered the scourge of war, not counting with the presence of the State, beyond military interventions that increased zozobrae of peasants and locals in a countless municipalities, corrections and sidewalks. While the interest in a political study is to address reality social and political analysis, recognition of the situation in question is imperative for comprehensive political analysis by civil society, called by analysts from the time that this study "population" is dealing with civil", to designate communities of citizens who were not involved in the conflict, but they were his victims. In this spectrum of the study, emphasis was placed and an initial question was chosen: is it? factable to understand, through historical memory, the status of victims of the armed conflicts of citizens who developed their daily lives on a sidewalk? There are many research of high academic value that study fenomenon of the Oriente region, from descriptive, explanatory and interpretative; but there is still a great deal of need for such a discussion as the one proposed in this research: resort to victims of a small village and to know a voice alive; and appealing to historical memory, the experiences experienced by those citizens are not represented in the hegemonic versions of the State. Citizens who were doubly victimized: by the State itself, through the National Army, and by guerrilla and/or the paramilitars. The study also seeks to recognize what effects it has brought to the attention of the Commission these citizens' lives were initially displaced and then uprooted, carrying in his living the imprint of tragedy, after two decades for me, as the author of this study, it was a re-created challenge, in passages. Narratives, my status as a resident of El Salto, when I was a minor i was involved in the war games where I lived and my family environment, and then, When i joined displaced victims. Today, as a student of the master's in Political Studies, I assume the imperative task, as a social communicator and journalist, to give society a testimony from my memories and life history as a victim, seeking to provide it cristalisation of a society that creates and works for peace and reconciliation in times of post-agreements the families of El Salto lived the conflict, seeing how overnight they were violated by force of each of the boots, rifles and authoritarian speeches of the armed actors, who rotated them as "facilitators" of the enemy, without giving space to the narration of the ununderstandable: a forced invasion of their lives and their fields, to their estates and their "animals". After suffering from the pain of deaths from relatives and friends of a lifetime, they had to run away, abandon their properties and, in this way, their peasant life, due to violent and systematic actions that broke the different armies. The terror caused by the locals and the forced movement of families led to uproot that, with time passing, it was a part of their life . No chance to chose, they had to move to another kind of life, the inhospite, modern, and other that they had to fit. In their capacity as victims of the conflict, they only had the memory resource as a mechanism of resistance, non-acceptance, living in melancholy and longing for the place where they were violently expelled. finally, over the years, they aspire to the non-repetition of war and violence from the Colombian armed conflict. ; El presente estudio, de orden politológico, narra e interpreta los hechos relacionados con el conflicto armado ocurridos entre 1998 y 2001, en la vereda El Salto, del municipio de El Santuario, ubicado en la subregión del Oriente cercano antioqueño. Este territorio fue objeto de disputa entre los actores armados, por su papel estratégico como puerta al corredor de tránsito que conectaba la región con el Nordeste y el Magdalena Medio. En la zona, la guerrilla y los paramilitares, además de hacer presencia armada, regulaban el tráfico de estupefacientes, generaban presión sobre los embalses y extendían su presencia e instigación sobre la autopista Medellín-Bogotá, canal de circulación de toda la actividad económica entre esta importante región y el centro de país. Igualmente, esta subregión ha contado con un alto potencial de actividades agropecuarias, turísticas y de producción industrial, siendo epicentro de tráfico aéreo, por alojar el Aeropuerto José María Córdova. El Oriente antioqueño es una de las zonas del país donde el conflicto ha sido álgido y donde se concentró la violencia sistemática de parte de los actores armados, siendo las masacres, las amenazas, los desplazamientos forzados, los asesinatos selectivos y los retenes ilegales, junto con las incursiones a cascos urbanos, el modus operandi de unos y otros. Por largos periodos de tiempo, la población de la zona sufrió el flagelo de la guerra, sin contar con la presencia del Estado, más allá de intervenciones militares que aumentaban la zozobra de campesinos y lugareños de un sinnúmero de municipios, corregimientos y veredas. Si bien el interés en el marco de un estudio de orden político es abordar la realidad social y política, para el análisis político integral es imperativo reconocer la situación vivida por la sociedad civil, llamada por los analistas de la época que aborda este estudio "población civil", para designar a las comunidades de ciudadanos que no hacían parte del conflicto, pero eran sus víctimas. En este espectro del estudio, se hizo énfasis y se optó por una pregunta inicial: ¿es factible comprender, a través de la memoria histórica, la condición de víctimas del conflicto armado de ciudadanos que desarrollaron su vida cotidiana en una vereda? Pues existen un sinnúmero de investigaciones de gran valor académico que estudian el fenómeno de la región del Oriente antioqueño, desde lo descriptivo, explicativo e interpretativo; pero aún hacen mucha falta abordajes como el que se propone en esta investigación: recurrir a las víctimas de un pequeño poblado y conocer de viva voz, y apelando a la memoria histórica, las experiencias vividas por aquellos ciudadanos no representados en las versiones hegemónicas del Estado. Ciudadanos que fueron doblemente victimizados: por el propio Estado, a través del Ejército Nacional, y por la guerrilla y/o los paramilitares. Este estudio tiene, además, la pretensión de reconocer qué efectos trajo para la vida de estos ciudadanos haber sido inicialmente desplazados y luego desarraigados, llevando en su vivir la impronta de la tragedia, luego de dos décadas. Para mí, como autora de este estudio, se constituyó en un reto re-crear, en pasajes narrativos, mi condición de habitante de la vereda El Salto, cuando era una menor de edad envuelta en los juegos de guerra en que vivía mi entorno familiar; y cuando, luego, me sumé a las víctimas desplazadas. Hoy, como estudiante de la maestría en Estudios Políticos, asumo la imperiosa tarea, como comunicadora social y periodista, de entregar a la sociedad un testimonio desde la memoria y la historia de vida como víctima, procurando aportar a la cristalización de una sociedad que crea y trabaje por la paz y la reconciliación en tiempos de los pos-acuerdos. Las familias de El Salto vivieron el conflicto, viendo cómo de la noche a la mañana fueron violentadas por la fuerza de las botas, los fusiles y el discurso autoritario de cada uno de los actores armados, quienes los rotularon como "facilitadores" del enemigo, sin dar espacio a la narración de lo no comprensible: una invasión forzada a sus vidas y a sus campos, a sus fincas y a sus "animalitos". Luego de padecer los vejámenes y el dolor de las muertes de familiares y amigos de la vereda de toda una vida, tuvieron que huir, abandonar sus propiedades y, con ello, su vida campesina, debido a las acciones violentas y sistemáticas que infringieron los diferentes ejércitos. El terror provocado en los lugareños y el obligado desplazamiento de las familias llevó al desarraigo que, con el transcurrir del tiempo, se configuró en sus vidas. Sin oportunidad de elegir, tuvieron que transitar a otro tipo de vida, a la inhóspita urbe, moderna y ajena, a la que tuvieron que adecuarse. En su condición de víctimas del conflicto, solo les quedó el recurso de la memoria como mecanismo de resistencia, de no aceptación, viviendo en melancolía y añoranza del lugar de donde fueron expulsados de manera violenta. Finalmente, con el transcurrir de los años, aspiran a la no repetición de los hechos de guerra y violencia del conflicto armado colombiano. ; Maestría